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  1. #1
    Super Moderator imblest's Avatar
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    John Boehner won't back immigration bill without majority GOP support

    John Boehner won't back immigration bill without majority GOP support

    BY: DAVID M. DRUCKER JUNE 16, 2013 | 11:45 PM
    Washington Examiner

    House Speaker John Boehner is not going to bring a comprehensive immigration-reform plan to the floor if a majority of Republicans don't support it, sources familiar with his plans said.

    "No way in hell," is how several described the chances of the speaker acting on such a proposal without a majority of his majority behind him.

    Boehner, R-Ohio, does not view immigration in the same vein as the fiscal cliff last December, when he backed a bill that protected most Americans from a tax increase even though less than half of the GOP lawmakers were with him, said multiple sources, who spoke anonymously to allow greater candor.

    With economists warning that the deep cuts and higher taxes needed to avoid the fiscal cliff could devastate an already ailing economy, Boehner felt compelled to compromise with President Obama and allow taxes to rise on the wealthiest taxpayers. He feels no such urgency about immigration reform, lawmakers said.

    Boehner has long supported an overhaul of U.S. immigration policy and would like the House to act on it before August. But he also understands the issue's political sensitivity and the impact it could have on Republicans in the 2014 mid-term elections.

    Rep. Tom Cole, R-Okla., a former pollster aligned with the GOP leadership, said Boehner will not approach to immigration reform the same way he did the fiscal cliff tax bill, or the Violence Against Women Act, which also passed with a minority of the majority.

    "I just don't think that's the winning formula here," Cole told The Washington Examiner. "What the speaker wants to do is have a hopefully bipartisan product -- certainly one that has the majority of Republicans -- pass the House. This has got too much emotional, political impact and I think it really has to be genuinely bipartisan."

    The Senate is debating the bipartisan "Gang of Eight" proposal, and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., is pubhsing for a final vote before the July 4 recess.

    The House also is creating its own a bipartisan comprehensive plan, authored by four Democrats and three Republicans, but it is also advancing multiple bills of much narrower scope that will deal with individual Republican priorities like border enforcement.

    Democratic and progressive immigration reform advocates remain hopeful that the Senate bill, which includes a path to citizenship for 11 million illegal immigrants already living in the U.S., will be the basis for any final congressional compromise. The Senate bill's citizenship pathway, although arduous, conditional and designed to take 10 to 15 years to achieve, will almost assuredly face opposition from House Republicans.

    That is why Boehner, in an interview last Monday, raised eyebrows and excited Democrats when he declined to specifically rule out bringing up an immigration bill that did not have the support of a majority of his majority. The speaker latered clarified his remarks, saying most Republicans would have to support anything brought to the floor.

    "My goal is always to bring bills to the floor that have a strong Republican majority," Boehner said. "Immigration reform is a very difficult issue. But I don't intend to bring an immigration bill to the floor that violates what I and what members of my party -- what our principles are."

    The practice of bringing to the floor only bills that are supported by the majority of the majority party has become known as the "Hastert Rule," named after former Speaker Dennis Hastert, R-Ill., who used that standard as a litmus test. Hastert's successors are free to violate that guideline, as Boehner did on the tax deal, and so conservative activists are now urging House Republicans to incorporate the standard into the body's internal rules to prevent Boehner or his successors from violating it.

    Boehner has so far maintained a commitment to moving immigration reform through "regular order," delegating authority over much of the process to House Judiciary Committee Chairman Bob Goodlatte, R-Va. The speaker has acted behind the scenes to keep the process from sputtering, but otherwise prefers to foster member involvement and encourage as many as possible to introduce bills and legislate.

    One GOP strategist noted that Boehner is navigating a different set of dynamics than Reid in the Senate. In particular, House Republicans are likely to suffer a greater voter backlash in the 2014 elections is they back the wrong immigration reform bill than they would if they simply did nothing on the issue.

    "There is no national crisis with an artificial deadline the president can trump up and trot out on the nightly news," the GOP strategist said. "Boehner is under no pressure to put the Senate bill on the floor."


    http://washingtonexaminer.com/john-b...rticle/2531983
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    Transcript: Exclusive Interview With House Speaker John Boehner on NSA Leak, Immigration Reform And More

    Good Morning America – Tue, Jun 11, 2013 10:05 AM EDT

    House Speaker John Boehner sat down with ABC News' George Stephanopoulos on "Good Moring America" to discuss the NSA leak, immigration reform, the IRS scandal and much more.
    Here is the full transcript of the interview:

    GEORGE STEPHANOPOULOS: Speaker, thank you for doin' this. Let's talk first about these-- revelations about the National Security Agency. Edward Snowden has come forward, said he brought the documents into the public eye. His supporters say he's-- a whistle-blowing patriot. His critics say he's betrayed the country, broken the law. Where do you stand?

    JOHN BOEHNER: He's a traitor. The president outlined last week that these were important national security programs to help keep Americans safe, and give us tools-- to fight the terrorist threat th-- that we face. The president also outlined that there are appropriate safeguards in place-- to make sure that-- there's-- there's no-- snooping, if you will-- on Americans-- here at home. But-- the disclosure of this information-- puts Americans at risk. It shows-- our adversaries what our capabilities are. And-- it's a giant violation of the law.

    RELATED: John Boehner Talks NSA Leaks, IRS Scandal and Immigration With George Stephanopoulos


    STEPHANOPOULOS: As you point out, the president has said these programs are effective. They're fully constitutional, fully approved by Congress, and limited. Do you agree with all that?

    BOEHNER: I do. I've been briefed on all of these programs. Remember, this is all past-- and-- and broad bipartisan majorities in both the House and Senate. And-- and when you look at these programs, there are clear safeguards. There's no American who's gonna be snooped on in any way-- unless they're in contact-- with some terrorists somewhere around the world.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: So even though all of these phone records, not phone calls, but all these phone records are being scooped up-- you believe that Americans' privacy is still protected?

    BOEHNER: Absolutely. And every time-- that I've been in a briefing, nine of the ten people in a room are lawyers-- there to protect-- the privacy of the American people. George, throughout our history we've had this-- we've had this tug-- between our principle responsibility as the government to-- to keep Americans safe-- and at the same time, protect their privacy.

    And so there's this balancing act-- that goes on. And I believe-- that when you look at this program and what it does-- we-- you'll find-- that we protect the privacy of the American people-- while at the same time, giving us tools-- to keep Americans safe and to go after the terrorist.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: Senator John McCain-- I think he agrees with you in large measure. But he said that there should be an open hearing so the American public can be reassured about the program. Senator Feinstein, chair of the Intelligence Committee also says she's open to that. Do you think that's a good idea?

    BOEHNER: Well, I'll let-- the-- the chairs of the Intelligence Committees-- make that decision. But there is heavy oversight of this program-- by the House Intelligence Committee on a bipartisan basis and the Senate Intelligence Committee. And that's why I feel comfortable-- that-- that we can operate this program and protect the privacy rights of-- of our citizens.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: You know, we asked-- our viewers for questions for you. And so many came in on the same exact theme. Where are the jobs? What is this Congress doing for jobs?

    BOEHNER: Well, that's interesting, George. Because it really is our number one priority. If you look at-- the last four years, we've had anemic economic growth. There aren't enough jobs. People's wages aren't growing. And frankly, I believe the president's policies are getting in the way of creating more jobs.

    So we're focused on fixin' our tax code to make America more competitive-- dealing with our looming debt crisis that's out there, making sure that we get more American made energy. Tryin' to get rid of the red tape that comes out of Washington. But the president-- and the administration, continue, whether it's the EPA harassing all kinds of Americans-- whether it's-- Obamacare, which is like a wet blanket hanging over the economy-- these are getting in the way of creating more jobs in our country.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: And on the four-- on the four proposals you mentioned, the four goals you mentioned, is anything going to happen this year? Anything signed into law?

    BOEHNER: Well, that'll be up-- to our colleagues in the Senate and the president. The House is gonna continue to do its work. It's-- it's all we can do--

    STEPHANOPOULOS: So you're not that optimistic.

    BOEHNER: Well, I've been around Washington a while, George. And you've been around it a while as well. We've got divided government. We got Republicans that control the House. We've got Democrats control the Senate and the White House. They have different thoughts about-- a lot of these issues. But if we're serious about getting Americans back to work, helping-- to improve-- their take home pay-- we've gotta-- we've gotta stop some of these policies--

    STEPHANOPOULOS: But is there any kind of-- any kind of conversation goin' on between you and the president on these big-- economic issues right now? Any hope for the kind of bargain you've worked on in the past?

    BOEHNER: Well, most of what we've talked on-- in the past is about dealing with the-- our long term spending problem, and-- tryin' to fix-- our tax code. We can't cut our way to prosperity, nor can we grow our way out of this mountain of debt.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: The deficit's comin' down--

    BOEHNER: We have to-- the deficit is coming down. Because the president got a tax increase on January the 1st. And we agreed a year and a half ago-- to cut spending. But we've gotta do both. We've gotta deal with our long term spending problem. We've gotta fix our tax code-- to make it-- fair for all Americans. Bring the rates down and clean out the-- the underbrush. It'll help our economy grown and help Americans' wages increase.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: In the past, it now looks like the-- the-- the country's not gonna hit another debt limit till probably sometime-- in the fall. In the past, you've said that you would only approve an increase in the debt limit if it was matched by spending cuts equivalent to the increase. Is that still your position?

    BOEHNER: It is. I believe that if we're gonna increase the-- the debt limit, there oughta be cuts and reforms in place-- that are greater than the increase in the debt limit. What-- what I'm tryin' to do, George, is to leverage the political process in Washington to produce more change than what it would produce if left to its own devices.

    We have a serious problem. We've spent more money than what we've brought in for 55 of the last 60 years. There's no business in America that can survive like that, no family in America that can survive like that. And that's-- a government can't survive continuing to spend more than what we bring in. We have to address our long-term spending problem--

    STEPHANOPOULOS: But you've got the sequester in place right now. Some have even said that that's holding back more economic growth right now. You're just gonna insist on more spending cuts right now?

    BOEHNER: I'd say cuts and reforms that are greater than the increase in the debt limit. A lot of these things would be phased in over a long period of time-- that when you look down the road over the next 10, 20, 30 years, will have a dramatic effect-- on our budget deficit and our debt.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: I think you know the president said he's not gonna go along with that. So are we headed for another kinda showdown like we had back in 2011?

    BOEHNER: George-- for 20 years-- I've watched predecessors and my predecessors, leaders in both parties see this problem coming, and seein' it coming-- and doing nothing about it. 10,000 baby boomers like me retiring every day, 70,000 this week, 3.5 million this year. And this is just year three of the baby boomers-- beginning to retire.

    And it's not like there's money in Social Security or money in Medicare. It's all been spent. And-- and so this-- this is a serious problem. It's not fair-- to my kids and yours, and their kids some day for us to leave them with a mountain of debt.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: So if you can't convince the president, he holds firm, you're prepared to see the country go into default?

    BOEHNER: No. Our goal here is not to default. Our goal here is to get ourselves on a sound fiscal path.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: Let's talk about immigration. It's on the Senate floor-- this week. Can you support the Senate bill?

    BOEHNER: I've got real concerns about-- the Senate bill. I-- wanna applaud the efforts of the gang of eight in the Senate-- applaud my colleagues-- who've worked hard on this. But-- especially in the area of border security-- and internal enforcement of this system-- I'm concerned that it doesn't go far enough.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: If it goes farther, are you prepared to sign on to a bill that has a clear path to citizenship for those who are now in the country illegally?

    BOEHNER: George, what I've tried to do over the course of the last six months is to create an environment-- in the House where members from both parties can continue to work together. Seven-- we have a gang of seven. We have a bipartisan--

    STEPHANOPOULOS: Used to be eight.

    BOEHNER: Used to eight. But-- but we've got seven, bipartisan group of seven that have come to an agreement. Chairman Goodloe at the Judiciary Committee has been working through-- these issues with his members. And I'm hopeful that we'll have a product-- come out of the committee-- by the end of June. I believe that it's important for the House to work its will-- on this issue. And-- and I would expect that-- a House bill will be to the right of where the Senate is.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: But still include a path to citizenship?

    BOEHNER: I'll let-- I'll let— what I've committed to is to continue to work with all parties. And I'm-- some of these questions, let's be honest. They're gonna be decided on the House floor. I believe in an open process. And I believe-- in this case, a lot of these big questions will be decided on the House floor--

    STEPHANOPOULOS: But in the end, you're gonna have to make the big call. You're gonna have to make the call on whether or not to allow a vote on a bill-- that perhaps doesn't get a majority of Republicans.

    (COUGH) In the past, you have not been willing to do that. Are you willing to do it now?

    BOEHNER: George, I-- listen. I've allowed the House to work with-- t-- well, more than any speaker in modern history, to the point where there are some bills that have passed-- with a majority of Democrats-- in favor, and a minority of Republicans--

    STEPHANOPOULOS: And you're willing to do that with immigration.

    BOEHNER: --and I've been criticized for it. What I'm committed to is a fair and open process on the floor of the House-- so that all members-- have an opportunity.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: And--

    BOEHNER: It's not up-- it's not about what I want. It's about what the House wants. And my job is-- as speaker-- is to ensure that all members on both sides have a fair shot at their ideas--

    STEPHANOPOULOS: And if that means-- if that means putting on the floor a bill that will get more Democrats than Republicans, the majority of Democrats, not--

    BOEHNER: I-- I don't believe that will be the case.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: But you're open to it?

    BOEHNER: We're gonna let the House work its will.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: Let me ask you about this-- these investigations into the Internal Revenue Service. Last week-- you said it was inconceivable, I believe-- that President Obama did not know about this before he said he knew about the problems at the IRS. Do you still believe that? And what is it based on?

    BOEHNER: Well, it's based on the fact that-- many of his senior staff-- knew about it-- and have known about it for some time.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: Only this year--

    BOEHNER: And-- well, over the last three or four months. George, I-- I know how I operate with my senior staff. I meet with 'em every morning. It's an opportunity for me to download-- what I pick up. It's an opportunity that-- for them to download what they're pickin' up. And-- and it would be inconceivable in my operation-- that-- that my staff would know it and I wouldn't.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: So you think the president isn't being straight with the American public here--

    BOEHNER: I-- I-- I just said I think it's inconceivable.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: But he said that's the fact.

    BOEHNER: Okay.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: You don't-- you don't buy it?

    BOEHNER: Well, it just-- it just doesn't-- it-- it doesn't pass the straight face test. How could-- how can your chief of staff-- your general counsel know, and you not know? But-- the more important point, George--

    STEPHANOPOULOS: It's a pretty serious charge.

    BOEHNER: --is that there's a serious problem at the IRS. Our goal is to-- is to root out-- the problem. What happened on this case-- what's happened s-- in some other cases-- the IRS-- plays an important role-- in our government. People-- already have doubts about the IRS. And all this has done is raised even more doubts. And then when you look at the fact that the IRS under Obamacare, is the agency-- charged with enforcing Obamacare-- I think-- scares-- the dickens out of most Americans.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: So what's the fix here?

    BOEHNER: I think we need to get to the bottom of what happened. And w-- there's no reason to prescribe some fix until we really know what happened. Were there violations of the law? And-- and-- and work with the administration, and make sure it's fixed--

    STEPHANOPOULOS: And-- but have you seen any evidence, or has Chairman Issa produced any evidence that shows this was directed by the White House in any way, shape or form?

    BOEHNER: This White House is acting like every other White House that I've seen. Stone wall, stone wall, stone wall. Reluctant to turn over inf-- over information. And as a result-- we've gotta scratch and claw. But we're gonna follow-- we're gonna follow-- the leads. We're gonna follow in the information to where it takes us.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: What information do you want from them that they haven't provided?

    BOEHNER: I wanna know-- this wasn't operated and done by some low-level employees in Cincinnati. So who directed them? And where did this come from?

    STEPHANOPOULOS: Carson Cummings says that the evidence he's produced says that it is-- that it ha-- that it was generated in Cincinnati. You don't buy that?

    JOHN BOEHNER: No. I'm not buyin' that at all.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: You believe it was directed--

    BOEHNER: I didn't.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: --from the White House?

    BOEHNER: I don't know where it was directed from. And it's not-- it's not my job to-- to do that. Our committees are gonna do their job. Under the constitution, we're required to provide oversight in the Executive Branch. We've got an important job to do here, and we're gonna do it.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: And you're c-- you're-- you're comfortable with the way that Chairman Issa is proceeding? He's faced some criticism for, for example, calling Jay Carney at the White House a paid liar.

    BOEHNER: I understand. I think-- it'll be important for the facts-- to speak for themselves. And what our job is to do is to uncover the facts.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: When you look-- at your tenure as-- as House speaker, what do you consider at this point your biggest accomplishment?

    BOEHNER: Ensuring that members are all treated fairly-- whether it's in committee or on the floor-- that-- that members have an opportunity to participate. You know, over the course of the 20 years that I served before I was speaker, I saw the process get more closed and more closed and more closed-- almost every year.

    Until the point where, you know, in 2000 and-- 2008, 2009, 2010, you know, there were a handful of members who would decide the beginning and the end of the bill-- while most-- all Democrats and Republicans were left out of the process. I just don't think that's healthy for a-- our institution. And what I wanna do is I want-- make sure members can participate.

    Because if there-- we have a fair and open process on the floor-- that means chairmen are gonna have to reach out on their committees, which will involve more members. And over time, begin to break down some of the partisan scar tissue that we see in the House.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: You got a lot of that scar tissue right now. Nancy Pelosi-- last month said that if you were a woman, you'd be labeled the weakest speaker in history. How do you respond to that?

    BOEHNER: Well, I have a different style than-- than she did. She f-- felt like she had to be in charge, and ramrod everything every day. That's just not my style. We've got a-- we've got a good team of people in the House on both sides of the aisle. We got a good leadership team. And-- I don't have to be in charge of everything that happens every day.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: So no offense taken?

    BOEHNER: I'm-- none whatsoever. W-- she and I have a great relationship. She has a completely different style than I do.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: Bottom line, what's the most important thing you'll get done this year?

    BOEHNER: I think-- immigration reform-- is probably at the top of that list.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: Signed into law?

    BOEHNER: I think by the end of the year, we could have a bill. Now, I don't know how much-- traffic-- that this-- will bear. This is a-- this is a big bill. And I'm tryin'-- people tryin' to do an awful lot of things. But I think-- we've got a serious problem with our legal immigration-- system. We clearly have a problem with illegal immigration. We got a problem with border security, and our ability to enforce the law today. So when you start to look at tryin' to address all of that, it's a big challenge.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: But one that passes the House, passes the Senate, signed by the president--

    BOEHNER: Yeah. No question.

    STEPHANOPOULOS: Speaker, good luck.

    BOEHNER: Thank you. I'll need it.

    http://gma.yahoo.com/transcript-excl...opstories.html
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  3. #3
    Super Moderator imblest's Avatar
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    Report: Boehner won’t bring immigration bill to the floor unless majority of House Republicans support it

    posted at 1:12 pm on June 17, 2013 by Allahpundit

    At long, long last, a bit of good news on immigration reform — if it’s true. A money quote from Ryan Lizza’s New Yorker piece about the big push in Congress for amnesty:

    [A] senior White House offcial insisted that Obama’s role in overseeing details of the bill has been more signifcant than is generally known. ‘No decisions are being made without talking to us about it,’ the official said of the Gang of Eight negotiations … ‘This does not fly if we’re not O.K. with it, because everyone knows this is going to pass with some Republicans but with a majority of Democrats, and it’s going to require even more Democrats in the House.’ … ‘We’re not worried about short-term political credit. We’ll get plenty of it if it gets signed,’ the official said, adding that the White House was willing to let Republicans like [Lindsey] Graham and [Marco] Rubio, who are regularly attacked by conservatives, have the political space they needed. … ‘We’re the hammer on the back end. If the Republicans try to scuttle it, we’re the ones who can communicate to the Latino community who scuttled it.’

    Bingo. The most obvious route to passage in the House is with near-unanimous Democratic support and a rump of 30-40 GOP moderates whose districts aren’t so red that voting for the Gang of Eight bill might end up as a career-ender. That makes things nice and simple: If Boehner follows the Hastert Rule and refuses to bring a bill to the floor that’s opposed by the majority of the GOP caucus, then border hawks have a very real chance of stopping this thing. If Boehner abandons the Hastert Rule and decides to try to pass it 180 Democrats and 40 Republicans, then he’s probably done as Speaker but he’ll have pushed immigration reform through. That’s been the big X factor in all this. Is the GOP leadership so hot for reform that Boehner might fall on his sword to make it happen?

    At the Examiner, David Drucker’s sources say no:

    House Speaker John Boehner is not going to bring a comprehensive immigration-reform plan to the floor if a majority of Republicans don’t support it, sources familiar with his plans said.
    “No way in hell,” is how several described the chances of the speaker acting on such a proposal without a majority of his majority behind him…
    “I just don’t think that’s the winning formula here,” [Rep. Tom] Cole told The Washington Examiner. “What the speaker wants to do is have a hopefully bipartisan product — certainly one that has the majority of Republicans — pass the House. This has got too much emotional, political impact and I think it really has to be genuinely bipartisan.”

    Reassuring, but only up to a point. Al Hunt of Bloomberg predicted yesterday that if Boehner concludes there’s no hope for immigration reform except to violate the Hastert Rule, he’ll violate it, pass the bill, and accept the consequences to his Speakership. No doubt most Beltway Republicans are hoping that he does. In a sense, pushing the bill through with most House GOPers voting no is an ideal outcome to them. Letting most House Republicans vote no ensures that they won’t have to worry about turnout or primary challenges in their districts back home. Meanwhile, the dream of amnesty will have become a reality with two Republicans — Marco Rubio and John Boehner — drawing lots of breathless media coverage as the men who made reform happen. The party will, in theory, get an image boost with Latinos for that and yet it’ll retain its House majority with conservative support for the members of the caucus who voted against the bill. I wonder what establishment Republicans have in mind for a post-Speakership John Boehner if he comes through for them. The lobbyist opportunities must be simply mind-boggling.

    If you missed it in Headlines, read Byron York on how the Gang of Eight bill offers several loopholes, including discretionary waivers to Janet Napolitano, for illegals convicted of multiple misdemeanors to gain legal status anyway. That the Gang would include poisonous exceptions like that knowing how much it would antagonize the conservatives they’re ostensibly trying to win over shows just how much control Democrats ultimately have over the bill.

    http://hotair.com/archives/2013/06/1...ns-support-it/
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  4. #4
    Senior Member oldguy's Avatar
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    Sadly Boehner is a weak man waiting to see which way the wind blows before committing.
    I'm old with many opinions few solutions.

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    Last edited by imblest; 06-17-2013 at 04:23 PM.
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