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For Many Citizens, Identity Takes Precedence Over Unity

Similar resentment is resonating throughout the E.U. these days, as the bloc faces a rebellion from within by people who say it has grown too big, too fast and become unaccountable now that it oversees 25 countries with a population of more than 450 million. The objections vary from country to country, but they add up to the same thing, a desire to put the brakes on more than 50 years of integration.

In France, voters rejected a proposed E.U. constitution May 29 by a ratio of 55 to 45. In the Netherlands, another founding member of the bloc when it was formed in 1952, it was rejected 62 percent to 38 percent three days later. Few voters had actually read the voluminous document, but a "no" vote was a way to protest against the integration that has been a pet project of political elites for half a century but has rarely been put to the citizenry.

In France, "no" voters often said they were convinced the E.U. would impose what is known derisively as Anglo-Saxon economics on all its members, effectively dismantling the French welfare state with its emphasis on job preservation and a generous social safety net.

For other opponents, the issue was immigration. They believe that their countries' Muslim minorities are already too large and that the constitution would eventually open the way to admission of Turkey, a predominantly Muslim country of 70 million people.

"All the E.U. regulations changed the way we do business," said Ruggeri, whose store is a Rome landmark. Italian shoppers want their fresh cheese floating in brine, which keeps it moist, Ruggeri explained this past week. And they want to be able to tell their grocery man how much to slice off the big pearly white "braids" of the cheese. Instead, because of European Union rules that came into force two years ago, mozzarella must be packed in plastic with the expiration date stamped all over it.

Could the E.U. force the Netherlands to crack down on its cherished drug dens? Dutch opponents also speculated that the E.U. would eventually override the country's permissive policies governing abortion, euthanasia and drug use. Local lawmakers who campaigned on behalf of the constitution tried to reassure voters that the country's sovereignty was not endangered. But many voters were not convinced. He noted that the constitution would erode long-standing E.U. principles that a single country can block legislation. A small one like the Netherlands would be left at the mercy of its neighbors, he said: "Holland only has a very small voice."

Financial gripes against the E.U. resonate in Britain, which so far has resisted calls to give up the pound sterling in favor of the euro. Memories of a 1992 currency crisis, when the British pound and other European currencies, linked in a pre-euro effort to regulate exchange rates, plunged in value. "I cannot see that a single currency will ever work without a single government to administer it and with tax-raising powers."

These days, the British are among the strongest skeptics of further European consolidation. A decade ago, many people in Britain saw adoption of the euro as inevitable, but Martin said the tide has shifted. "Now there is a change," he said. "People say they don't want it. They are fed up of Europe."