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  1. #1
    Join Date
    Jun 2013

    Security Tight at Secretive Democracy Alliance Meeting

    Security Tight at Secretive Democracy Alliance Meeting

    Billionaires and millionaires rub elbows behind closed doors with Democratic pols and progressive foundations

    BY: Alana Goodman

    May 1, 2014 4:15 pm

    Democrats have long railed against the lack of transparency in political funding, but security was airtight this week as a hush-hush network of progressive moneymen and activists held a closed-door conference to map out their plan to shift U.S. policy to the left.

    At the elegant Ritz Carlton hotel in downtown Chicago, wealthy donors, Democratic politicians, and representatives from left-leaning activist groups met for a conference hosted by the Democracy Alliance, a progressive donor network that funnels millions of dollars to undisclosed activist groups and political causes.

    The four-day conference, which was closed to the public and media, drew high-profile Democrats including DNC chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz, New York Attorney General Eric Schneiderman, and White House adviser Valerie Jarrett.
    Access to the conference was invite-only and tightly controlled. Democracy Alliance officials manned a table outside the entrance to the conference areas, where attendees heard speeches by progressive rising stars like New York Mayor Bill DeBlasio and Kentucky Senate candidate Alison Lundergan Grimes.

    Conference-goers also attended panels on a host of progressive pet issues such as climate change and health care reform.

    But even most of the invited attendees were barred from a room marked “Partners Only.” There, Democracy Alliance’s deep-pocketed donors listened to contribution pitches, announced new funding pledges, and viewed power-point presentations evaluating the finances and performances of Democracy Alliance-funded groups, according to two sources in the room.

    Most attendees were not allowed in the “Partners Only” room.

    Partners in the Democracy Alliance are reportedly required to contribute a minimum of $200,000 per year to activist groups approved by the organization and pay annual dues of $30,000.

    Many conference-goers bristled when questioned about the secrecy of the event.

    “I think people are having private conversations,” said Michael Vachon, a top advisor to George Soros. “There is no conspiracy.”
    When pressed on why the event was closed to the media, Vachon asked, “have you read the Free Beacon?”—a reference to the popular Washington-based news outlet whose scoops have occasionally rattled the left.

    Other conference-goers ripped off their nametags when a Free Beacon reporter approached them to ask for an interview. Media Matters founder David Brock fled when he was asked about the organization’s refusal to allow its employees to unionize.

    “Oh yeah I’ve heard of [the Free Beacon],” said one attendee named Scott Nielson when asked about the event’s secrecy. “Further questions are pointless.”

    Democratic Kentucky senate candidate Alison Lundergan Grimes and AFL-CIO head Richard Trumka also ducked questions from a Free Beacon reporter as they walked through the hotel.

    Politico, the only other Washington news outlet that sent a reporter to the conference, received similar treatment from many attendees. A Democracy Alliance official reportedly grabbed the arm of Politico’s Ken Vogel when he tried to chase after Jonathan Soros for an interview.

    When conference-goers were not participating in the closed-door sessions and nightly dinners, they were enjoying the amenities of the Ritz Carlton hotel, which is located at the top of the 74-story Water Tower skyscraper on Chicago’s Magnificent Mile.

    In the art deco lobby, attendees such as left-wing financier Joe Zimlich and Center for American Progress president Neera Tanden milled around near an ornate fountain filled with rubber ducks.

    A tired-sounding Alan Grayson, who is embroiled in a messy divorce involving bigamy and assault allegations, barked schedule changes into his cell phone in the lounge area, backlit by floor-to-ceiling views of the Chicago skyline.

    David Axelrod dined at the hotel’s restaurant Deca, which had a sign outside advertising its $100 grilled cheese sandwich filled with “40-year aged Wisconsin cheddar infused with 24K gold flakes.”

    But back in Washington, not all Democrats were impressed by the Democracy Alliance’s track record over the past few years, saying its influence has waned in mainstream Democratic circles since President Barack Obama’s election in 2008.

    “I don’t want to say it’s a joke, but it’s not on anybody’s radar, unless you’re [already] getting funding [from Democracy Alliance] or you want to suck up to the liberal base, the Graysons, the DeBlasios,” one Washington-based Democratic operative told the Free Beacon earlier this week.

    As to where more centrist Democrats were this week, the operative said, “anybody who’s anybody is at Milken [Institute Global Conference in Los Angeles],” referring to the annual economic summit that drew Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, and top Democratic donor Jeffrey Katzenberg.

    “That’s where you’re going to get the bigger names than in Chicago,” he added. “It gets more of the heavyweights.”

    This is Who's Who in the "Democracy Alliance", Gee, where is the Alliance for the Republic!!!!! You know the one for which "We Stand"????
    Last edited by kathyet2; 05-01-2014 at 05:01 PM.

  2. #2
    Join Date
    Jun 2013
    Read the Confidential Document Left Behind at the Democracy Alliance Meeting

    A list of new members of the Democracy Alliance offers a revealing look into the secret group of liberal billionaires

    BY: Lachlan Markay
    May 5, 2014 1:00 pm
    The Democracy Alliance takes pains to ensure that its work disbursing millions of dollars to top left-wing organizations remains secretive and free from public scrutiny. But a document left on the floor of the group’s recent gathering reveals for the first time the names of a number of individuals involved in the effort.
    It lists new Democracy Alliance “partners,” individuals who every year must pay $30,000 in dues and contribute at least $200,000 to the groups that DA supports. It also reveals names of DA “advisers,” foundation participants, and individuals getting a “sneak peek” at the group’s activities.
    Among its new partners are top labor union bosses, financial and business leaders, and heirs to billion-dollar fortunes who have made names for themselves as high-dollar Democratic donors.
    Security was tight at the Democracy Alliance conference last week at the chic Ritz Carlton in Chicago. Politico reporter Ken Vogel was manhandled by security when he tried to interview an attendee. Other conference-goers ripped off their nametags when a Washington Free Beacon reporter approached.
    The Democracy Alliance does not actually accept donations. Instead, it solicits contributions from left-wing millionaires and billionaires, and serves as a “pass through” between those donors and top liberal advocacy groups, including the Center for American Progress, Media Matters for America, and Democratic Super PAC Priorities USA.
    The group emphasizes secrecy in all of its operations, even as its members and the DA “favored organizations” to which they donate decry the role of “dark money” in American politics. DA does not disclose details of any of the transactions it facilitates, and its members and donation recipients are prohibited from speaking publicly about the organization and its operations.
    While few conference attendees would speak with the Free Beacon last week, one mistakenly left a revealing document on the floor of a publicly accessible area of the conference. The list of new partners provides previously unreported details on one of the left’s most powerful dark money groups.
    Big Labor Bucks

    Noel Beasley

    Labor unions have for decades served as financiers for some of the left’s most prominent think tanks and activist groups. The list of new DA partner reveals increasing involvement by top labor bosses in the group’s work financing those organizations.
    New members in 2014 include Noel Beasley, president of Workers United, a textile union affiliated with the Service Employees International Union, and Keith Mestrich, president of the union-owned Amalgamated Bank, where Beasley, also a SEIU vice president, serves as chairman.
    Amalgamated, which is majority-owned by the SEIU, is still owed $8.5 million by the Democratic National Committee for a pair of loans taken out in 2012 to support the DNC’s work to reelect President Barack Obama.
    “We are a partisan bank that’s owned by a union,” Mestrich told the Washington Post last year. “There’s no question that unions are very tight with the Democratic Party, and we make no bones about that.” He would not answer questions about the bank’s involvement with the Democracy Alliance at last week’s conference.
    The addition of top officials at Workers United and Amalgamated comes after DA added other top labor bosses in 2013, according to the list of new members.
    Larry Cohen, president of the Communications Workers of America, and Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers, both signed on as partners last year. The document also lists CWA senior director George Kohl and Michelle Ringuette, Weingarten’s assistant, as new partners in 2013.
    Weingarten and Cohen both sit on the board of the Economic Policies Institute, a labor-funded think tank. Richard Trumka, who attended last week’s conference, is also a board member, as are SEIU president and DA board member Mary Kay Henry, and one-time DA board member Robert Johnson.
    While union higher ups are well compensated—Weingarten and Cohen made $550,000 and $200,000 in 2012, respectively, while Ringuette and Kohl each pulled down more than $150,000—the $100,000 minimum aggregate contribution requirement likely means that AFT and CWA, rather than the individuals listed, are the entities providing DA pass-through funds, with top union officials serving as liaisons.
    Famed Horticulturalist and Real Estate Heir Joins DA

    Amy Goldman

    Many of DA’s new partners, though, have the personal financial means to support its favored organizations, due either to their own successful business ventures or to large inheritances.
    Amy Goldman is one of the country’s foremost horticulturalists, but her fortune comes from her status as heiress to one of the largest real estate fortunes ever amassed. Goldman’s father, Sol, owned nearly 600 New York commercial real estate properties when he died in 1987. At one point, he owned the famed Chrysler Building.
    The ensuing legal battle over his $1 billion estate was at the time the largest ever to take place in New York’s Surrogate Court, more than doubling the previous record.
    Amy Goldman has since become one of the Democratic Party’s largest individual campaign contributors. Goldman has donated more than $6 million to Democratic candidates, party organs, interest groups, and independent expenditure groups since 1990.
    Those donations have included $1 million to Priorities USA in 2012, $500,000 to House Majority PAC the same year, $1.75 million to Planned Parenthood from 2011 to 2013, and $750,000 to Organizing for Action last year.
    Goldman has donated nearly $9,000 to Obama, and more than $13,000 to Hillary Clinton’s 2008 presidential campaign and independent groups supporting that effort.
    Munger the Younger

    Philip Munger /

    Another benefactor of a massive inheritance that appears on DA’s new partner list was donating tens of thousands of dollars to Democrats while he was still in school.
    Philip Munger is the son of Berkshire Hathaway vice chairman and Warren Buffett lieutenant Charles Munger, whose estimated net worth is $1.2 billion, according to Forbes. Munger the younger is a professor at the New School in New York City. Despite living on an educator’s salary, he also manages to donate vast sums to Democratic politicians.
    Munger has shelled out more than $700,000 in political contributions since 1990, all to Democrats or liberal interest groups. He donated $46,300 while he was still a student, according to FEC forms that require donors to disclose their profession.
    Munger was among the first donors to OFA, topping the group’s list of “founding members” with a $250,000 contribution.
    More inherited wealth will likely flow through DA from Henry van Ameringen, heir to the International Flavors and Fragrance fortune. Van Ameringen is another massive Democratic donor. He has donated more than $900,000 to Democrats since 1990.
    Van Ameringen was the 21st largest individual contributor to 527 “political action committees” in 2012, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. He is the ninth largest donor to those groups in the current election cycle.
    Much of van Ameringen’s political activity is aimed at promoting gay rights. He attended a $35,800 per-plate fundraiser for Obama in 2012 that solicited support from wealthy gay and lesbian individuals. The event raised an estimated $1.4 million for the president’s reelection.
    His promotion of gay rights has occasionally expanded into condemnation of religious conservatism. In announcing a $100,000 donation from van Ameringen to the group Truth Wins Out, TWO’s executive director condemned “religious extremists” in the United States who are “literally getting away with murder from Uganda to Russia.”
    Van Ameringen has also contributed $100,000 to an effort to legalize marijuana in Oregon. Democracy Alliance founder and automotive insurance kingpin Peter Lewis donated to the same effort.
    Some new DA partners include individuals with their own successful business careers.
    Adam Abram made his fortune in insurance and real estate. He sold his company, James River Group, to Bermuda-based Franklin Holdings in 2007. Abram is currently Franklin’s chairman. He also founded Adaron Group, a commercial real estate developer in North Carolina.
    Some of Abram’s recent ventures have come under scrutiny for alleged cronyism. James River Group provided $15,000 in financing for an economic impact study that recommended construction of an airport in the research triangle region of North Carolina. The company indicated that the airport was “’very important’ or ‘essential’ to [its] business,” according to the study.
    Some residents saw that as a financial conflict. “As a resident of rural Orange County … I find it deeply disturbing that companies like the James River Group fund an economic study and they themselves want the airport because the airport will benefit their businesses,” one resident wrote.
    Abram has donated more than $110,000 to Democrats since 1990. He cohosted Michelle Obama at a 2008 fundraiser in Durham, N.C.
    Many of Abram’s political contributions have focused on specific policy issues. In 2009, he offered to match all contributions up to $5,000 to the North Carolina chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union.
    Abram has been critical of the Obama administration’s civil liberties record and tactics in the war on terror. He wrote a 2011 column for the Raleigh News-Observer criticizing legislation eventually signed by Obama that granted the executive wide latitude in detaining and trying suspected terrorists.
    Despite those misgivings, Abram has donated $4,600 to Obama, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.
    Other individuals on DA’s list of new partners have been far friendlier to Obama. Rick Segal, CEO of financial services firm Seavest, bundled between $250,000 and $500,000 for the president’s reelection campaign, in addition to his $165,000 in political contributions since 1990.
    Paul Boskind has contributed nearly $200,000 to Democrats since 1990, and bundled between $100,000 and $200,000 for Obama’s reelection. He also served on the DNC’s national finance committee.
    Boskind is the CEO of Deer Oaks Mental Health Associates, a Texas based mental health organization. He is also involved in theater, producing a number of plays designed to promote liberal political sensibilities, including Gore Vidal’s “The Best Man.”
    These and other individuals (full list below) are some of DA’s newest partners, but the list also includes a host of individuals with other statuses at the organization.
    The Nation editor Katrina vanden Heuvel was given a “sneak peak,” according to the list. Lee Wasserman and Lisa Guide of the Rockefeller Family Fund are listed as “committed.” Joan Davidson, heir to the Welch juice fortune and president emeritus of the J.M. Kaplan Fund, is listed under the status “convening.”
    The Democracy Alliance did not respond to requests for comment or additional information about the roles that DA partners and other individuals listed on the document play.
    On the back of the document, someone took notes that appeared to refer to potential or actual donations by individuals and groups affiliated with the DA.
    “McKay 25k AV” likely refers to Rob McKay, and a $25,000 contribution to America Votes, a group that DA has supported. “Nathan Cummings 500k CCC” is likely a reference to a $500,000 contribution from the Nathan Cummings Foundation to the Center for Community Change, which has previously received Nathan Cummings grant funds.
    Democracy Alliance new members list by Washington Free Beacon
    NEW PARTNERS, 2013
    Paul Boskind: CEO of Deer Oaks Mental Health Associates and theater producer.
    Larry Cohen: President of the Communications Workers of America.
    Randi Weingarten: President of the American Federation of Teachers.
    George Kohl: Senior director of the Communications Workers of America.
    Michelle Ringuette: Assistant to the president of the American Federation of Teachers.
    Amy Goldman: Author, horticulturalist, and daughter of the late New York City real estate magnate Sol Goldman.
    NEW PARTNERS, 2014
    Adam Abram: Founder of James River Group, chairman of Franklin Holdings, chairman of Piedmont Community Bank Holdings, former president of Adaron Group.
    Noel Beasley: President of Workers United, vice president of the Service Employees International Union, chairman of Amalgamated Bank.
    Keith Mestrich: President of Amalgamated Bank
    Philip Munger: New School professor, son of Berkshire Hathaway vice chairman Charles Munger.
    Colin Greer: President of the New World Foundation.
    Heeten Kalan: Senior program officer at the New World Foundation.
    Rick Segal: CEO of Seavest, Inc

    Ryan Smith: Unknown. It was originally reported that Smith was the CEO of Qualtrics, but that was not the case.
    Henry van Ameringen: President of the Van Ameringen Foundation, son of Arnold Louis van Ameringen, founder of International Flavors and Fragrances.
    Dirk Wiggins: Founder of Code for Progress, former director of targeting for Field Strategies, former outreach director for the Florida Democratic Party.

  3. #3
    Join Date
    Jun 2013
    EXCLUSIVE: Democracy Alliance Network Revealed

    Funding ‘snapshot’ details nearly $40 million in Alliance support for 20 groups this year

    Jim Messina, David Brock, Neera Tanden / AP,

    BY: Lachlan Markay
    May 19, 2014 1:00 pm

    A secretive dark money group backed by George Soros and other liberal mega-donors is looking to steer nearly $40 million to left-wing groups in 2014 to support high-profile political and policy efforts, according to documents obtained by the Washington Free Beacon.
    The documents reveal for the first time the Democracy Alliance’s full portfolio of supported organizations, a large network of powerful liberal groups looking to win key electoral and legislative victories.

    The Democracy Alliance connects major Democratic donors with some of the largest and most influential liberal activist groups in the country. Previous beneficiaries, such as the Center for American Progress and Media Matters for America, are set to get millions more in 2014.

    The list also reveals DA support for newer organizations, such as Organizing for Action, the advocacy group that succeeded President Barack Obama’s reelection campaign. That group has received official sanction from the White House, and operates websites and social media accounts branded with the president’s name.

    In all, the document reveals, the Democracy Alliance hopes to provide $39.3 million to 20 organizations this year. If it meets those fundraising targets, it will likely be responsible for one out of every five dollars in those groups’ 2014 budgets.

    Alliance-supported organizations will spend more than $175 million in 2014, according to budget projections contained in the document.
    The Democracy Alliance is highly secretive in all of its operations. The donors it solicits and the organization to which it directs their financial support are prohibited from speaking publicly about its operations.

    Security was tight
    at its recent conference in Chicago where reporters from the Free Beacon and Politico were rebuffed by attendees who would not answer questions about their involvement with the group.

    The Free Beacon obtained and recently published a list of new Alliance “partners”—individuals and organizations that must pay $30,000 in dues and contribute at least $200,000 to DA-aligned groups each year—providing previously unreported details on its financial backing.
    A document titled “Spring 2014 Democracy Alliance Portfolio Snapshot” offers details on the other side of the fundraising equation: the organizations to which the group’s partners will contribute millions this year.

    The Democracy Alliance does not actually accept those contributions. Instead, it connects donors to a network of groups that it has vetted and strategically endorsed. The goal is to create a collaborative fundraising apparatus that maximizes the effectiveness of large contributions to left-wing groups.

    Some of the groups that DA supports are established organizations with large budgets. The Center for American Progress, slated to get up to $5.5 million from DA donors this year, has a projected 2014 budget of more than $44 million, according to the funding snapshot. Media Matters will get up to $3 million, or more than a quarter of the group’s $11.67 million projected budget.

    Other groups are set to receive an even larger portion of their revenue from Alliance donors. If the Alliance meets its fundraising targets, its partner contributions will be equal to 100 percent of the projected 2014 budget of New Media Ventures, 68 percent of the Youth Engagement Fund, 59 percent of Progressive Majority, and nearly half of the projected budgets of America Votes, the Black Civic Engagement Fund, and the Latino Engagement Fund.

    Funding goals are broken down into “baseline” targets and “stretch” targets. They refer, respectively, to “the minimum level of continued support needed from the DA in order to maintain their current size” and “the level of meaningful support needed in order to enhance [recipients’] independent and [DA-]aligned efforts.”

    Alliance-supported groups fall into two categories: “aligned network organizations” and “dynamic investments.”

    The group did not respond to requests for additional information about how its support is broken down.

    Total baseline funding for both aligned network organizations and dynamic investments in 2014 will be $27.1 million. Its cumulative stretch funding target for the year is $39.3 million.

    Those funds will finance eleven “core functions” carried out by the various organizations the DA supports. They range from “fighting the right” to “perfecting data and tools” to “supporting progressive candidates.”

    According to the snapshot, DA backs five organizations that “support progressive candidates”: America Votes, Catalist, the Center for American Progress, the New Organizing Institute, and Progressive Majority. CAP and NOI, unlike the other three, are nonprofit groups (each has a 501(c)(3) and a 501(c)(4) arm), and hence cannot devote a majority of their resources to political activities.

    ThinkProgress, the blog of CAP’s 501(c)(4) Action Fund, has written approvingly of efforts to “mitigat[e] the damage caused by the Supreme Court’s 5-4 Citizens United ruling,” as the blog put it in an interview with Rep. Chris Van Hollen (D., Md.).

    The Center for American Progress has warned that laws protecting the anonymity of (c)(4) groups can obfuscate the sources of political influence, and has called for laws that “require information on the source of funding for independent spending so that citizens know whose money is influencing their elections.”

    Democracy Alliance critics say that speaks to a larger disconnect among groups that it supports: many of those groups decry secretive political spending while benefitting from a fundraising apparatus that discloses nothing about the millions in political and nonprofit contributions it facilitates.

    The Alliance hopes to raise $1.6 million in 2014 for a group called the Fund for the Republic, which is critical of the prevalence of political dark money. The Fund does not publicly post information about its financiers. It makes the names of its donors available to those who request them, but will not say how much money they have donated.

    Other DA-supported groups have employed that style of partial donor disclosure and been criticized by transparency advocates who say they are paying lip service to good government while shielding as much financial information as possible from public scrutiny.

    The Sunlight Foundation scoffed at Organizing for Action (OFA) in 2013 when it released the names of high-dollar donors but refused to disclose information about their professional affiliations, which could make it easier to spot attempts at influence-buying.

    “If OFA’s structure were motivated by accountability, we’d see a coherent policy about campaign finance disclosure, empowering public oversight of [the] group’s finances and donors,” wrote Sunlight policy director John Wonderlich. “Instead, we see conflicting messages about what kind of access a $50K donor can expect, and a disclosure policy that exists only in proportion to public outrage about Obama’s dark money.”

    Jim Messina, Obama’s former campaign manager, founded OFA after the president’s reelection to serve as a perpetual campaign apparatus promoting the president’s legislative agenda. It has been criticized since its inception as a vehicle to sell White House and administration access to high-dollar Democratic donors.

    OFA is slated to get up to $1 million from Alliance donors in 2014, but a number of those donors are already top OFA supporters. Amy Goldman and Philip Munger, both heirs to billion-dollar fortunes, recently signed on as DA partners. They have already donated a combined $1 million to the group.

    It is not clear whether OFA contributions from Munger and Goldman came by way of the Alliance, because the group does not disclose that information. It serves as a “pass through” for donations to supported groups, so there is no public documentation revealing DA’s role in the fundraising process.

    Instead, donations from DA partners simply show up as individual (or institutional, as the case may be) contributions to the organizations it supports. Because 16 of the 20 groups the Alliance is supporting this year are 501(c)(4) groups or have a (c)(4) arm, few contributions made through the Alliance will be public.

    As CAP complained in its paper on laws governing such groups, “citizens have to search elsewhere to find the ultimate source of money for independent spending.” Anonymity of donors to (c)(4) organizations means there are often no available means of revealing DA-facilitated donations to top left-wing groups.

    It is just that sort of opacity that many DA-supported groups ostensibly exist to fight, said John Perazzo, managing editor of Discover the Networks, a site that tracks left-wing donors and political organizations.

    “Its members justify this hypocrisy by maintaining that their own donations are intended to advance a selfless, high-minded, moral crusade to improve America as a country, whereas conservative donors are allegedly motivated only by a desire to enrich themselves by supporting groups that promote policies like tax cuts and reduced business regulations,” Perazzo said in an email.

    However, some Alliance donors benefit from policies that its supported organizations advance.

    Rick Segal is a new DA “partner,” according to the list recently published by the Free Beacon. Segal, who bundled between $250,000 and $500,000 for Obama’s reelection effort, runs a financial services firm, Seavest Inc., that is expected to benefit from Obamacare, the Washington Examiner recently reported.

    Other new partners are top officials at major labor unions, including the Communications Workers of America and the American Federation of Teachers. Alliance-supported groups regularly advocate for policies that boost union membership and finances.

    Two new DA partners are top officials at the union-owned Amalgamated Bank. The bank’s finances are deeply entwined with those of the Democratic National Committee, which still owes Amalgamated more than $8 million from loans taken out during the 2012 campaign season.
    The Alliance funding snapshot also reveals 21 groups that received DA support over the past nine years. They include some of the left’s leading campaign finance reform voices, such as Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, which frequently warns of the corrosive effect of secret money in the political process.

    Other organizations previously backed by the Alliance include the radical environmentalist group the Sierra Club, the pro-abortion EMILY’s List, and the hard-left Hispanic advocacy group La Raza. A full list of supported groups in 2014 and prior is below.

    Democracy Alliance Network, 2014 (baseline funding target/stretch funding target):

    America Votes ($3.5 million / $4 million)
    American Constitution Society ($1.2 million / $1.5 million)
    Black Civic Engagement Fund ($1.5 million / $2 million)
    Brennan Center ($2.4 million / $2.7 million)
    Catalist ($500,000 / $750,000)
    Center for American Progress ($3.23 million / $5.5 million)
    Center for Community Change ($2.2 million / $3 million)
    Center for Budget and Policy Priorities ($1.8 million / $2.5 million)
    Common Purpose Project ($150,000 / N/A)
    Fund for the Republic ($1.2 million / $1.6 million)
    Latino Engagement Fund ($1.5 million / $2 million)
    Media Matters for America ($2.4 million / $3 million)
    New Media Ventures ($250,000 / $400,000)
    New Organizing Institute ($750,000 / $1 million)
    Organizing for Action ($600,000 / $1 million)
    Progressive Majority ($650,000 / $800,000)
    Progress Now ($1.6 million / $1.9 million)
    State Voices ($1.4 million / $2 million)
    Women’s Equality Center ($1.5 million / $2 million)
    Youth Engagement Fund ($750,000 / $1.5 million)
    Previously supported:

    Advancement Project
    Brave New Films
    Campaign for America’s Future
    Center for Social Inclusion
    Citizen Engagement Laboratory
    Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington
    Democracy Now
    Economic Policies Institute
    EMILY’s List
    Free Press
    Gamaliel Foundation
    League of Young Voters
    National Council of La Raza
    National Security Network
    Sierra Club
    Third Way
    Voter Participation Center
    Young Democrats of America
    Young People For (YP4) and Young Elected Officials (YEO) Network
    Spring 2014 Democracy Alliance Portfolio Snapshot by Washington Free Beacon
    Last edited by kathyet2; 05-20-2014 at 08:51 AM.

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