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  1. #1
    Administrator ALIPAC's Avatar
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    Nov 2004
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    HISPANIC GANG MEMBERS Arrested: Crumpling Yard Sign & Pulling Gun on Trump Supporter

    HISPANIC GANG MEMBERS Arrested After Crumpling Trump
    Yard Sign and Pulling Gun on Trump Supporter\

    Jim Hoft Mar 9th, 2016 9:29 am 138 Comments
    A Georgia man had a gun pulled on him after he confronted three Hispanic youths who tore down and crumpled up his Donald Trump sign.

    Mauricio Rodriguez, Hector Ayala, 20, and Alexander Moreno, 17, were arrested on a number of offenses including gang-related charges.
    David Grant believes he was targeted because the trio did not believe in Donald Trump’s message.
 | Chattanooga News, Weather & Sports WRCB reported:
    David Grant put this Trump for president sign in his yard on Woodland Drive in Dalton.
    “I’m behind Donald Trump! You mess with trump, you mess with us!” said Grant.
    He believes everyone should stand up for what they believe; little did he know it would lead to an armed stand-off.
    On Tuesday, he says three people walked by his yard and apparently didn’t like who he believed in.
    One man snatched grant’s trump for president yard sign and threw it into the street.
    Grant was outside when it happened, and had words for the trio.
    “I said you got one choice. Come and fix this sign!” said Grant.
    Grant says he wasn’t going to let the men get away without putting his sign back, but, the two adult males and teenager became aggressive.
    “He said you are about to get a cap popped in your ass! Then he started patting his stomach and then showed a hand gun,” said grant.
    Grant says his neighbor who lives across the street had his back the whole time.
    “The neighbor was standing out here beside his driveway and sees the man pull the gun out. My neighbor looks at me dead in the eye and say: “I got you, hang on.” he runs in the house and comes back out with his pistol and says: “Nobody is shooting him” said Grant.
    The men fled, but not without having final words.
    “Saying Spanish words. I don’t know what they were saying!” said Grant.
    Their actions caught up with them, Dalton Police found the trio on Avenue E.
    They now sit behind bars with a laundry list of charges…
    …Alexander Moreno was charged with aggravated assault, possession of a firearm without a license, possession of a handgun under the age of 18, and possession of a firearm during the commission of a felony. Mauricio Rodriguez was charged with making terrorist threats, criminal trespass, and possession of less than an ounce of marijuana. Hector Ayala was charged with disorderly conduct.
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  2. #2
    Super Moderator Newmexican's Avatar
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    May 2005
    Heart of Dixie
    Dalton GA was ground zero for illegal Mexican immigration case in the 90s. If they are still speaking Spanish there, they have NOT assimilated.

    A Georgia Pipeline for Drugs and Immigrants


    Published: November 16, 2002

    DALTON, Ga. — This sturdy town in the Appalachian foothills likes to call itself "the carpet capital of the world," and its industry has thrived over the last decade as thousands of Mexican immigrants have flocked to jobs in the mills.

    More recently, though, federal and local law enforcement officials say the same pipeline of immigration and trade has been exploited by Mexican drug traffickers, who have helped turn this corner of northwestern Georgia into a busy distribution center for methamphetamine and other drugs.

    In Dalton and surrounding areas, drug arrests have steadily risen since the late 1990's, police officials said. Gang-related violence has become common. Outside the police headquarters, a fenced-in lot is perpetually filled with cars, most of them impounded from people suspected of being in the drug trade.

    "We keep arresting people and seizing drugs, but they just keep coming," said Chief James D. Chadwick of the Dalton police. "We're in a boat with a big hole. We can keep bailing, but the hole's still there."

    Dalton is by no means alone. From Alaska to South Carolina, law enforcement officials said, Mexican traffickers have taken advantage of spreading Mexican immigration and freer North American trade to establish themselves as the dominant wholesale suppliers of illegal drugs across much of the United States.

    The officials said the shift, in which the Mexicans have both displaced other traffickers and opened new markets themselves, has meant a steadily more efficient flow of drugs into the United States, even as border controls have tightened since Sept. 11.

    For the traffickers, places like Dalton are often excellent sites to do business, close to growing rural markets and within easy highway access of big cities — in Dalton's case, Atlanta, Chattanooga and Charlotte, among others. The towns offer the cover of hard-working immigrants and a pool of potential recruits among the out of luck and unemployed.

    By establishing new distribution hubs far inside the United States, the traffickers are also posing new problems for undermanned rural police forces and for federal agencies like the Drug Enforcement Administration that have long concentrated their resources in border cities.

    Traffickers from Mexico have long sold marijuana and heroin in American cities, particularly in the West and Southwest. Since the late 1980's, officials said, they have also contracted with drug producers in Colombia and elsewhere to smuggle most of the cocaine that enters the United States.

    But in the last decade, according to government officials and a series of reports on drug surveillance, Mexican traffickers have come to control considerably more of the United States' illegal drug supply.

    They have improved the quality and increased the output of Mexican heroin and marijuana. They have negotiated to receive more cocaine from South American producers as in-kind payment for the loads they smuggle into the United States. They pioneered the large-scale production of methamphetamine, the United States' fastest-growing illegal drug, and they have scrambled to start producing other synthetic drugs like MDMA, or ecstasy.

    "They have certainly emerged as the major wholesalers throughout the country," said Michael T. Horn, director of the National Drug Intelligence Center, a Justice Department agency that analyzes drug trafficking in the United States. "Their influence is moving aggressively eastward, and they are very aggressive about getting into parts of the drug trade that transcend their traditional involvement in marijuana and heroin."

    Although it is impossible to determine how much of the drug trade Mexicans control, federal prosecutions point to their growing role. From 1994 to 2000, the number of Mexican citizens jailed in the United States on federal drug-trafficking charges nearly doubled, to 8,752 from 4,394.

    Like the legitimate businessmen energized by the loosening of North American trade, the traffickers have sought new economies of scale, taken advantage of the freer movement of Mexican trucking into the United States and even shifted some production closer to consumers.

    In Hawaii, drug intelligence officials said, Mexican distributors have now overtaken Asian organized-crime groups as the primary suppliers of crystal methamphetamine, or "ice," which is the islands' most serious drug problem.

    In the Central Valley of California, Mexican methamphetamine producers have built scores of so-called super labs that turn out 10 or 20 times the amount of drugs that biker gangs and other traffickers historically produced, federal reports show. Elsewhere in the state, Mexican traffickers have begun growing marijuana in national forests.

    From bases on the West Coast, officials said, the Mexican traffickers have moved across the Northwest and Midwest, hiding among fruit pickers in Washington, resort workers in Colorado and construction workers in Minnesota.

    Like the Los Angeles street gangs that helped spread crack in the late 1980's, Mexican traffickers have followed Interstate highways to the Southeast, feeding a surge in methamphetamine use in states like Georgia, North Carolina and Tennessee. They have also built bases in New York, Florida and other former strongholds of Colombian dealers.

    So far, the Mexican traffickers' growing role in wholesale distribution in the United States has been accomplished with relatively little violence, officials said. In part, they said, that is a consequence of the breakup of Colombian cocaine cartels and the Colombians' focus on more profitable markets in Europe.

    In many areas, officials said, Mexican traffickers have worked cooperatively with Colombian and Dominican traffickers, offering drugs on credit and helping to launder the profits. In other instances, the Mexicans have carved out sales turf by underselling Dominicans, Nigerians and American-born traffickers.

    Mexican traffickers have also become more efficient, drug intelligence officials said. By smuggling large numbers of smaller drug loads across the border and around the United States in the process known as shotgunning, they have lowered the risk and thereby reduced transportation costs. By moving their distribution hubs away from the border, to the areas around cities like Atlanta and Chicago, they have kept drug supplies and prices more stable.

    "The southwest border isn't along the Rio Grande anymore," said W. Michael Furgason, the special agent in charge of the Drug Enforcement Administration's Atlanta office. "It's in Atlanta and North Carolina and Chicago and even Yonkers and New Rochelle."

    In addition, some Mexican drug gangs, like Colombian cartels before them, have organized themselves into networks of smaller, semiautonomous units responsible for specific tasks like building false compartments in cars or obtaining the chemicals to make synthetic drugs, officials say.

    Those smaller groups may be even harder for law enforcement agencies to pursue, as is becoming evident in places like Dalton. Despite the city's changing demographics, the Dalton police force has only one fluent Spanish speaker among its 86 officers, and almost no capacity to infiltrate tight-knit Mexican criminal groups.

    "The chances of these people getting caught are now somewhere between slim and none," Chief Chadwick said. "If the state patrol stops somebody on the highway and gets a load nowadays, it's pure accident."

    Dalton has long had its share of drug problems, and its drug users remained overwhelmingly white and African-American. Police officials said drug abuse remained relatively low among Hispanic residents, who make up 22 to 35 percent of the 45,000 residents of the greater Dalton region.

    But where local methamphetamine cooks might turn out a couple of pounds of the drug at a time, Mexican traffickers offer much larger quantities and lower prices, police officials said, attracting dealers from nearby areas of Tennessee and North Carolina as well as Georgia.

    "The sad truth is that our community is becoming known as a key area for the distribution and manufacture of narcotics," members of a Whitfield County grand jury wrote earlier this year in an unusual open letter to local newspapers.

    The Mexican traffickers are notably low profile, and police officials say the immigrant workers on whom they prey are similarly discreet.

    T. Jefferson Morris, a Spanish-speaking criminal defense lawyer in Salisbury, N.C., said he had seen a clear pattern in the recruitment of drug couriers. "Within two weeks of one of these guys' losing his job," Mr. Morris said, "he will be approached by somebody who will say: `I know you have a family and you need money. I'll give you $1,500 to deliver something for me.' "

    When the couriers are arrested, they often do not know whom they are working for, and while the police might jail them, the traffickers can usually do worse — like threatening their families back in Mexico.

    When federal and state law enforcement agents in Kannapolis, N.C., stopped Mexicans in a car carrying 27 pounds of methamphetamine, with a wholesale value of about $175,000, they were struck by more than the quantity of drugs.

    The car, bought in Atlanta, had been driven to Southern California, outfitted with a hidden compartment for drugs, agents said, and an atlas showed the courier had simply headed east on Interstate 40 until reaching a trailer park on the edge of Kannapolis.

    Federal law enforcement officials said much of the area's methamphetamine appeared to originate in the western Mexican state of Michoacán and in California, with clans of Mexican traffickers who dispatch their members to supervise distribution of the drugs in the United States.

    "They deal with their own people and no one else, and they are extremely difficult to penetrate," a federal official said.

    Nor do the Mexican distributors in the United States seem to have been weakened by a series of recent arrests of major traffickers in Mexico.

    So far, the growing presence of Mexican drug distributors has yet to create much of a backlash for the immigrant workers they hide among. Even in places like Dalton — where Mexicans are credited with helping save jobs in plants that might have moved elsewhere because of labor shortages — the drug problem has begun to unnerve some of those who have tried to help accommodate the newcomers.

    Unlike business leaders in some neighboring cities, those in Dalton have strongly supported Mexican immigrants, calling them saviors of a carpet industry weakened by aging American workers.

    Nonetheless, the town sits in a region that is still growing accustomed to the presence of Mexican grocers and taquerías, and where the new immigrants still prompt fights at school-board meetings and occasional marches by the Ku Klux Klan.

    "There are people everywhere in New York and Los Angeles, and in Dalton, Ga., who are going to say, `These people are not like us; their morals are different,' " said Erwin Mitchell, a former Democratic congressman who founded an innovative program to absorb Latino children into the local schools.

    "But this is a place where not one American job has been lost to immigrant workers," Mr. Mitchell added. "And because of these immigrant workers, thousands of jobs have been saved for Americans."

    Last edited by Newmexican; 03-10-2016 at 12:00 PM.

  3. #3
    Super Moderator Newmexican's Avatar
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    May 2005
    Heart of Dixie

    So, you think you can save money by hiring illegals at lower salaries than U.S. citizens and legal residents are willing to take? Think again.

    Just ask the folks at carpet maker Mohawk Industries.

    The company-based in Dalton, Ga., the carpet capital of the world--agreed to pay $18 million to settle a six-year old lawsuit with legally-authorized, hourly-paid workers who alleged that their wages at Mohawk's facilities in Northwest Georgia were depressed by the hiring of illegal immigrants.

    The settlement entitles about 48,000 former and current hourly-paid Mohawk employees to claim awards from an $18 million settlement fund.

    According to the Associated Press, Mohawk's insurer, Zurich American Insurance Company, will pay $13 million of the settlement and Mohawk will kick in the remaining $5 million.

    Mohawk has also agreed to conduct training regarding the verification of employment eligibility.

    Even so, in the press release, Mohawk stresses it does not admit any of the plaintiffs' allegations of wrongdoing. "Mohawk has always trained its employees to comply with the immigration and workplace laws, and this settlement affirms the company's commitment to a continued culture of compliance," Mohawk's attorney Juan Morillo adds. "Mohawk has provided and continues to provide good jobs with great benefits to tens of thousands of workers in Georgia and elsewhere."

    The case wound its way through a maze of courts over a six-year period.

    It included three years of litigation to resolve Mohawk's appeal of U.S. District Court Judge Harold L. Murphy's 2004 ruling that the plaintiffs stated a claim under the federal and Georgia RICO laws. After the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit affirmed that ruling, the U.S. Supreme Court heard the case in 2006. The Supreme Court ultimately returned the case to the Eleventh Circuit, which ruled that the plaintiffs could proceed in 2007.

    The plaintiffs then tried to be granted class action status. In 2008, Judge Murphy denied the plaintiffs' Motion for Class Certification, precluding the proposed class of employees from obtaining relief in this case. The Eleventh Circuit accepted the plaintiffs' request to review that decision, and in May 2009, vacated the decision denying class certification and sent the case back to Judge Murphy to reconsider the question of class certification.

    Settlement discussions occurred after the two sides agreed on a mediator.

    Howard Foster of Chicago-based Foster P.C., who argued the employees' case in the Supreme Court, told the AP this is the largest settlement of these cases he has had. "I think it will embolden us in filing more of these cases and hopefully will help get settlements in some pending cases," he added.

  4. #4
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