Thread: South Padre Island / Precinct One Corruption & Border Wa

Cartels Face an Economic Battle
U.S. Marijuana Growers Cutting Into Profits of Mexican Traffickers
By Steve Fainaru and William Booth
Washington Post Foreign Service
Wednesday, October 7, 2009

ARCATA, Calif. -- Stiff competition from thousands of mom-and-pop marijuana farmers in the United States threatens the bottom line for powerful Mexican drug organizations in a way that decades of arrests and seizures have not, according to law enforcement officials and pot growers in the United States and Mexico.

Illicit pot production in the United States has been increasing steadily for decades. But recent changes in state laws that allow the use and cultivation of marijuana for medical purposes are giving U.S. growers a competitive advantage, challenging the traditional dominance of the Mexican traffickers, who once made brands such as Acapulco Gold the standard for quality.

Almost all of the marijuana consumed in the multibillion-dollar U.S. market once came from Mexico or Colombia. Now as much as half is produced domestically, often by small-scale operators who painstakingly tend greenhouses and indoor gardens to produce the more potent, and expensive, product that consumers now demand, according to authorities and marijuana dealers on both sides of the border.

The shifting economics of the marijuana trade have broad implications for Mexico's war against the drug cartels, suggesting that market forces, as much as law enforcement, can extract a heavy price from criminal organizations that have used the spectacular profits generated by pot sales to fuel the violence and corruption that plague the Mexican state.

While the trafficking of cocaine, heroin and methamphetamine is the main focus of U.S. law enforcement, it is marijuana that has long provided most of the revenue for Mexican drug cartels. More than 60 percent of the cartels' revenue -- $8.6 billion out of $13.8 billion in 2006 -- came from U.S. marijuana sales, according to the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy.

Now, to stay competitive, Mexican traffickers are changing their business model to improve their product and streamline delivery. Well-organized Mexican cartels have also moved to increasingly cultivate marijuana on public lands in the United States, according to the National Drug Intelligence Center and local authorities. This strategy gives the Mexicans direct access to U.S. markets, avoids the risk of seizure at the border and reduces transportation costs.

Unlike cocaine, which the traffickers must buy and transport from South America, driving up costs, marijuana has been especially lucrative for the cartels because they control the business all the way from clandestine fields in the Mexican mountains to the wholesale dealers in U.S. cities such as Washington.

"It's pure profit," said Jorge Chabat, an expert on the drug trade at the Center for Research and Teaching in Economics in Mexico City.

The exact dimensions of the U.S. marijuana market are unknown. The 2007 National Survey on Drug Use and Health estimated that 14.4 million Americans age 12 and over had used marijuana in the past month. More than 10 percent of the U.S. population reported smoking pot once in the past year.

Mexico produced 35 million pounds of marijuana last year, according to government estimates. On a hidden hilltop field in Mexico's Sinaloa state, reachable by donkey, a pound of pot might earn a farmer $25. The wholesale price for the same pound in Phoenix is $550, and so the Mexican cartels could be selling $20 billion worth of marijuana in the U.S. market each year.

"Marijuana created the drug trafficking organizations you see today. The founding families of the cartels got their start with pot. And marijuana remains a highly profitable business they will fight to protect," said Luis Astorga, a leading authority on the drug cartels at the National Autonomous University of Mexico, who grew up in Sinaloa in 1960s and recalls seeing major growers at social functions in the state capital, Culiacan.

Led by California, 13 U.S. states now permit some use of marijuana; Maryland is considering such a law. In many cities, marijuana is one of the lowest priorities for police.

To some authorities, the new laws are essentially licenses to grow money. With a $100 investment in enriched soil and nutrients, almost anyone can cultivate a plant that will produce two pounds of marijuana that can sell for $9,000 in hundreds of medical marijuana clubs or on the street, according to growers.

High-end marijuana grown under such special conditions often fetches 10 times the price of poor-quality Mexican pot grown in abandoned cornfields and stored for months in damp conditions that erode its quality further.

"What's happened in the last five years, it's just gotten totally, totally out of hand, as far as a green rush of people coming from all kinds of different states and realizing the kind of money you can make," Jack Nelsen, commander of the Humboldt County Drug Task Force in Northern California. County residents who have a doctor's recommendation can legally grow as many as 99 plants.

Authorities found and destroyed about 8 million marijuana plants in the United States last year, compared with about 3 million plants in 2004. Asked to estimate how much of the overall marijuana crop was being caught in his area, Wayne Hanson, who heads the marijuana unit of the Humboldt County Sheriff's Office, said: "I would truthfully say we're lucky if we're getting 1 percent."

The Mexican traffickers' illegal use of public lands is a response to the dramatic increase in U.S. production, according to authorities and growers. In the northern woods of California, illegal immigrants hired by well-heeled Mexican "patrons," or bosses, lay miles of plastic pipe and install oscillating sprinkler systems for clandestine fields that produce a cheaper, faster-growing "commercial grade" of marijuana. Eric Sligh, the editor and publisher of Grow magazine in Northern California's Mendocino County, said the Mexicans use a fast-growing variety of marijuana and time their harvests to periods of low domestic production in the United States.

After establishing sophisticated farming networks in California, Washington and Oregon, the Mexican traffickers are shifting operations eastward to Michigan, Arkansas and North Carolina, federal agents say.

Like wily commodity traders, Mexican traffickers time their shipments to exploit growing cycles in the United States. They warehouse tons of pot south of the border to ship north during periods when demand peaks and domestic supplies are scarce, Mexican anti-narcotics officials said.

The traffickers are also engaged in an escalating race to achieve higher levels of tetrahydrocannabinol, or THC, the chemical ingredient that gives pot its potency. The THC content of Mexican marijuana seized at the southwest border jumped from 4.8 percent in 2003 to 7.3 percent in 2007, according to U.S. officials. Those levels are still less than half that of the highly potent marijuana found in places such as Arcata, where THC content often tops 20 percent.

Although most Mexican marijuana is still grown outdoors, Mexican security forces have begun to discover greenhouse operations, similar to those found in the United States and Canada. A Mexican army unit on routine patrol in Sinaloa arrested two men in a greenhouse the size of an American football field with more than 20,000 marijuana plants inside. The greenhouse was equipped with modern, highly sophisticated refrigeration, heating and lighting systems.

In the national forests and public timberlands of Northern California, Mexican growers shoot at U.S. law enforcement agents with growing frequency and use fertilizers and pesticides that pollute watersheds and start fires. A 90,000-acre blaze in Southern California's Los Padres National Forest in August began on a marijuana farm run by Mexican traffickers, according to authorities. The fields are so inaccessible that helicopters are needed to insert agents, who cut the plants with pruning shears, machetes and even chain saws before airlifting them to be destroyed.

This season, five teams from the Bureau of Narcotic Enforcement in California have seized 4.2 million plants worth an estimated $1.5 billion, a 576 percent jump since 2004.

Ralph Reyes, chief of operations for Mexico and Central America for the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, said intelligence suggests that the major cartels are directly behind much of the marijuana growth that is taking place on public lands. "The casual consumer in the U.S. -- the kid or adult that smokes a joint -- will never in their mind associate smoking that joint with the severing of people's heads in Mexico," he said.

But it has been difficult for U.S. authorities to prove the connection, partly because the individuals who cultivate the plants have no idea who they are working for and are able to give little information when arrested.

A Mexican grower in Humboldt County, who recently harvested 800 plants and asked not to be identified, said the pot farmers are usually approached by an anonymous boss, who puts up the money -- sometimes as much as $50,000 -- for the seed, fertilizer, hoses, camping equipment and food needed to live in the woods for three months growing "Maribel," as the Mexicans refer to the plants.

The grower said the patron pays the growers in cash or product, which they can then sell on their own.

"The mountain can eat you up," the grower said. "You're only thinking about the next day. You have to get up at 4 in the morning to water the marijuana, because the helicopter might come by when the sun is up, and if you water too late, he'll see the mist coming off the plants. You do this every day. There's no church on Sunday or anything like that. You have to be focused. You have to give everything for them."

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Perry bizarrely still claiming 60% drop in border crime
The Austin Statesman on it's "Truth-O-Meter" page, which fact checks statements by politicians in Texas political races, gave Gov. Rick Perry a "Pants on Fire" rating for saying that crime dropped 60% along the border because of his much-ballyhooed pork-barrel grants (with tough sounding names like "Operation Linebacker" and "Operation Wrangler") to Sheriffs. After parsing through the laughably thin sourcing for the statistic then comparing it to real world crime data, the paper summed up:
Perry's claim that his border security efforts have led to a 60 percent drop in crime doesn't hold water. The calculation he touts doesn't consider crimes committed in cities and towns where most border residents live. It also compared two calendar quarters rather than weighing years' worth of data.
Crime may have temporarily subsided in some rural areas of the border region.
However, it's not clear how much of any decline can be traced to the state's investment in security.
We rate Perry's sweeping statement based on an unreasonable manipulation of crime statistics -- the second instance of his administration touting questionable border crime numbers -- as Pants on Fire.
The big flaw in the number: It only includes unincorporated areas, and only for a four-month period! Louie Gilot at the El Paso Times so thoroughly debunked these bizarre calculations at the time that I'm almost surprised his campaign trotted them out so brazenly, much less had the Governor say the words himself as recently as March 10.

Maybe the next step should be a survey of border mayors to determine if they believe Perry's crime-drop claims? IMO that money was thrown down a pork-laden sinkhole.

Pants on fire, indeed.

WELCOME TO TEXAS JUSTICE: YOU MIGHT BEAT THE RAP, BUT YOU WON'T BEAT THE RIDE.
WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 29, 2008
Gov. Perry wants his own version of Clinton's COPS program ... to fight Los Zetas?
Readers may recall that in 2007, the Texas Legislature backed Governor Rick Perry's much-ballyhooed plan to give more than $100 million in pork barrel grants to border Sheriffs, splitting the funds equally (more than $6 million apiece) among sheriffs in the 16 counties along the border to pay for extra equipment and overtime for patrols.

Given that massive, recent state investment, I was surprised that no one in the mainstream media picked up on the fact that one of those Sheriffs recently was indicted and accused of working in cahoots with the Mexican Gulf Cartel(!), making him the second border Sheriff during Perry's tenure to face charges for assisting Mexican drug gangs, along with many other law enforcement agents.

Though the MSM hasn't yet linked Sheriff Guerra's indiscretions to his border security work or probed how he spent his grant money, I've already wondered how the Governor could justify extending this expensive pork program now that it turns out some of the money went to a Gulf Cartel operative. The cost is even harder to justify since there's no evidence it had any effect on border crime.

Clearly, though, the Governor thinks that giving millions in state border security money to an alleged Gulf Cartel flunky won't hurt his chances of re-upping the program, particularly if he sweetens the pot with grants for big-city PDs as well, reported the San Antonio Business Journal ("Gov. Perry allocates funds to help SAPD fight gangs," Oct. 29):
As part of his anti-gang strategy, Perry says he plans to ask the 2009 Texas Legislature for $110 million in sustained border security funding and another $24 million to combat transnational gang activity across the state.
As he previously did with funding for border sheriffs, Gov. Perry is using federal Byrne grant funds to initiate a small amount of funding to local police on his own authority. (This pot of money shrank significantly in recent years thanks to pressure by the Bush Administration; it once funded Texas' network of drug task forces before they were brought down by corruption scandals in Tulia, Hearne, and elsewhere.) Again from the SA Business Journal:
Texas Gov. Rick Perry has allocated nearly $560,000 to help the San Antonio Police Department target transnational gang activity.
The funding will come from the federal Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant Program and will be distributed by the Governor’s Criminal Justice Division.
Perry will allocate a total of $4 million in Criminal Justice Division grant money to Arlington, Austin, Brownsville, Corpus Christi, Dallas, El Paso, Fort Worth, Garland, Houston, Irving, Laredo, McAllen and San Antonio. The funds will be used as overtime pay for officers who patrol hot spots of gang activity.
Is it just me, or is this is an odd shift in focus? The "gang" problems in San Antonio, for example, are scarcely (at least directly) related to "transnational" drug gangs like the Gulf Cartel who Perry's border security initiative targeted. And they're certainly not affiliated with "terrorists," which is how he originally sold the program. To hear the Governor's latest statement, it sounds more like he intends the money to simply supplement regular police patrols:

“No one has a better grasp of the situation on the ground than the peace officers who patrol our neighborhoods and tackle the challenges of law enforcement every day,â€

WELCOME TO TEXAS JUSTICE: YOU MIGHT BEAT THE RAP, BUT YOU WON'T BEAT THE RIDE.
MONDAY, OCTOBER 20, 2008
Elected Sheriff receiving Governor's border security funds allegedly worked for Gulf Cartel
Yet another elected Texas Sheriff has been ousted on corruption charges, this time Starr County Reymundo Guerra who was allegedly helping the Gulf Cartel smuggle drugs through his county. He resiged today.

Guerra joins former Brownsville Sheriff Conrado Cantu and several sheriffs caught up in commissary-related bribery schemes in the annals of disgraced, corrupt elected law enforcement officials lately hounded out of office. Reported the Brownsville Herald ("Starr Sheriff indicted in Gulf Cartel case," Oct. 14):
Guerra's imminent arrest had been telegraphed for weeks - ever since FBI agents searched his home and office in Rio Grande City on Sept. 4. Court documents later linked the raids to an ongoing probe into a smuggling ring led by Jose Carlos Hinojosa, 31, of Roma.
U.S. Attorney General Michael B. Mukasey touted the investigation later that month as one piece of a nationwide crackdown on Gulf Cartel operatives and their associates that had resulted in more than 175 arrests
So far, 14 men and women - mostly from Starr County and the Mexican city of Miguel Alemán - have been indicted in the Hinojosa case.
But despite the chatter that surrounded the sheriff, his fate remained unclear until the FBI returned to his office Tuesday morning and placed him under arrest.
"I'm shocked that this happened, because every indication that I had was that the sheriff's department was running smoothly, the best way I have seen in a long time,"
Sheriff Guerra was one of the members of the Texas Border Sheriffs Coalition that lobbied Gov. Rick Perry and the Legislature to pony up more than $100 million in "Operation Linebacker" block grants to be distributed equally among the Sheriffs to use as they saw fit. We already knew the initiative wasn't being coordinated with other law enforcement efforts on the border. Now it appears some of that grant money was directly under control of a crooked cop working for the Gulf cartel. Ouch!

The Lege should cut their losses and decline to reauthorize those block grants in the 81st session - who knows what's happening with that money, but we know it wasn't doing much good toward reducing smuggling in Starr County!
POSTED BY GRITSFORBREAKFAST AT 2:16 PM
LABELS: BORDER WARS, BRIBERY, DRUG POLICY, MEXICO, OPERATION LINEBACKER, POLICE
4 COMMENTS:

Anonymous said...
Whoo Hoo.. There's Texas justice for you...

You cannot blame them though, the Justice Department has been full of underhanded deals for many many years.
10/20/2008 04:06:00 PM
Anonymous said...
The ENTIRE Valley is corrupt. They demand corruption as a simple way of business here. Sadly, there is no big surprise here.
10/22/2008 07:15:00 AM
Anonymous said...
More on this: http://www.elpasotimes.com/news/ci_11059565
11/25/2008 11:47:00
[/code]

WELCOME TO TEXAS JUSTICE: YOU MIGHT BEAT THE RAP, BUT YOU WON'T BEAT THE RIDE.
TUESDAY, JANUARY 09, 2007
Did Operation Linebacker achieve its goals? If not, why continue it?
During the campaign season, Gov. Perry said he wanted to boost funding for Operation Linebacker-style border enforcement operations ten-fold, proposing that the Legislature spend $100 million to supplement his new, election-year "emergency" program.

Is that realistic now?

Since then the Governor has changed his tune somewhat on immigration topics, thankfully, but the question remains: What will happen with Operation Linebacker and Texas' current, politically driven border enforcement efforts?

The El Paso Times' Louie Gilot tackled that queston ("Crime rises in spite of Operation Linebacker," Jan. by tackling the premise, asking whether Operation Linebacker funds already spent on the border had reduced crime. The answer, "No." Crime increased (click on the image for details), though to be fair, the border comparatively sees significant crime less frequently, anyway, than many other regions in the state.

Perry's spokesman and El Paso Sheriff Samaniego defended Operation Linebacker, saying that more boots on the ground would obviously increase safety. But the more important question is what are the people filling those boots doing with their time?
A previous study by the El Paso Times found that during six months while Operation Linebacker was in effect, officers caught suspected undocumented immigrants seven times more often than they apprehended suspected criminals.
In El Paso, sheriff's deputies intercepted 1,076 undocumented immigrants; they made 161 arrests, four of them drug-related.
So if, as Governor Perry has indicated, Linebacker funds were intended to fight violent drug cartels and "well-armed narco-terrorists," these data appear to show they've done little but redirect local law enforcement forces AWAY from narcotics enforcement. During election season, Perry's campaign claimed massive drops in crime because of Operation Linebacker, but those figures were almost immediately debunked.

Let's face it, only FOUR drug related arrests for all the money spent in El Paso County? These taxpayer dollars were plain and simply sacrificed on the altar of political expediency (money burns nicely, doesn't it?) during an especially nasty election season. Polls and pundits predicted harsh anti-immigration stances would ignite the conservative base and create a wedge issue for the GOP, but that wedge turned against many of those who used it in November.

As a result, the likelihood of increasing Operation Linebacker funds 1,000% this session, to me, at this point appears unlikely.

El Paso state Sen. Elliot Shapleigh has filed three bills to address the problems arising from Operation Linebacker: SBs 150, 151 and 152.

SB 150 would disallow Texas peace officers from detaining people solely because of their immigration status or inquiring about immigration status except as part of a criminal investigation. SB 151 extends the same prohibition on inquring about status to emergency services personnel. Clearly both these are needed, though they'll be the subject of heated debate.

But the really controversial idea, politically speaking, comes in SB 152: Requiring that any officers paid with state grant funds (like Operation Linebacker) come under the command and control of the Texas Department of Public Safety. That was the solution the Legislature came up with for Texas' drug task force system in 2005, and many counties decided they'd rather receive no funds than let DPS govern this funding. Most decided to close shop, so many in fact that finally Governor Perry pulled the plug on the handful remaining and that's actually where the Linebacker money came from in the first place!

So we've come full circle. From the time then-Gov. Bush shut down the Permian Basin drug task force in 1998 for misconduct until today, Texas has struggled to spend these Byrne Justice Assistance Grant funds accountably, and that's still a problem. Indeed, the program basically everywhere shows similarly poor results. A Bush Administration analysis rated the grant program 13% based on "Results/Accountability" nationwide.

Hard to say how much traction Shapleigh's bills might have in the coming session. As one of the Senate's more liberal members sometimes he has trouble passing bills on such hot button issues.

For my money, though I like the first two bills, Shapleigh's SB 152 proposal perhaps doesn't go far enough. I'd like to see any new border security funds focus first on reducing border corruption among law enforcment which has undermined both the efforts of many good officers and initial public support for the Linebacker effort. But I'm glad to see somebody tackling these topics, and hope the 80th Legislature can do SOMETHING to make sure these taxpayer dollars won't continue to be wasted.
POSTED BY GRITSFORBREAKFAST AT 8:55 AM
LABELS: IMMIGRATION, OPERATION LINEBACKER
1 COMMENTS:

800 pound gorilla said...
The parallels between the Iraq occupation and the drug war are EERIE! This is with regards to the leadership maintaining that more of what failed to achieve positive results will return success. I'm sure that critics of escalation in both debacles will castigate their critics as being weak willed and soft on resolve. It's akin to the addicted gambler insisting that - since he/she has lost so much already - they can't afford to not continue. It does have sort of a perverse logic tho.
1/10/2007 10:29:00 AM

Who will invest in South Padre Island property now? More Mexican Nationals? More drug cartel gangsters?

Travel Alert
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Bureau of Consular Affairs
This information is current as of today,
MEXICO
March 14, 2010
The Department of State has issued this Travel Warning to inform U.S. citizens traveling to and living in Mexico of concerns about the security situation in Mexico, and that it has authorized the departure of the dependents of U.S. government personnel from U.S. consulates in the Northern Mexican border cities of Tijuana, Nogales, Ciudad Juarez, Nuevo Laredo, Monterrey and Matamoros until April 12.Â* Family members of US Government personnel assigned to other areas of Mexico outside the Mexican border states are not affected by this departure measure. This Travel Warning supercedes the Travel Alert dated February 22, 2010, and announces the authorized departure of some dependents and updates security incidents.Â*

While millions of U.S. citizens safely visit Mexico each year (including tens of thousands who cross the land border daily for study, tourism or business and nearly one million U.S. citizens who live in Mexico), violence in the country has increased.Â* It is imperative that U.S. citizens understand the risks in Mexico, how best to avoid dangerous situations, and who to contact if victimized.Â* Common-sense precautions such as visiting only legitimate business and tourist areas during daylight hours, and avoiding areas where prostitution and drug dealing might occur, can help ensure that travel to Mexico is safe and enjoyable.

Recent violent attacks have prompted the U.S. Embassy to urge U.S. citizens to delay unnecessary travel to parts of Durango, Coahuila and Chihuahua states(see details below) and advise U.S. citizens residing or traveling in those areas to exercise extreme caution.Â* Drug cartels and associated criminal elements have retaliated violently against individuals who speak out against them or whom they otherwise view as a threat to their organizations. These attacks include the abduction and murder of two resident U.S. citizens in Chihuahua.

Violence Along the U.S. - Mexico Border

Mexican drug cartels are engaged in violent conflict - both among themselves and with Mexican security services - for control of narcotics trafficking routes along the U.S.-Mexico border.Â* To combat violence, the government of Mexico has deployed military troops throughout the country.Â* U.S. citizens should cooperate fully with official checkpoints when traveling on Mexican highways.

Some recent confrontations between Mexican authorities and drug cartel members have resembled small-unit combat, with cartels employing automatic weapons and grenades.Â* Large firefights have taken place in towns and cities across Mexico, but occur mostly in northern Mexico, including Ciudad Juarez, Tijuana, Chihuahua City, Nogales, Matamoros, Reynosa and Monterrey.Â* During some of these incidents, U.S. citizens have been trapped and temporarily prevented from leaving the area.Â* The U.S. Mission in Mexico currently restricts its U.S. government employees' travel within the state of Durango, the northwest quadrant of the state of Chihuahua and an area southeast of Ciudad Juarez, and all parts of the state of Coahuila south of Mexican Highways 25 and 22 and the Alamos River.Â* This restriction was implemented in light of a recent increase in assaults, murders, and kidnappings in those three states.Â*

The situation in northern Mexico remains fluid; the location and timing of future armed engagements cannot be predicted.Â* Recently, the cities of Durango and Gomez Palacio in the state of Durango, and the area known as "La Laguna" in the state of Coahuila, which includes the city of Torreon, experienced sharp increases in violence.Â* In late 2009 and early 2010, four visiting U.S. citizens were murdered in Gomez Palacio, Durango.Â* These and several other unsolved murders in the state of Durango have caused particular concern.

A number of areas along the border continue to experience a rapid growth in crime.Â* Robberies, homicides, petty thefts, and carjackings have all increased over the last year across Mexico, with notable spikes in Chihuahua, Sinaloa, and northern Baja California.Â* Ciudad Juarez, Tijuana and Nogales are among the cities that have experienced public shootouts during daylight hours in shopping centers and other public venues.Â* Criminals have followed and harassed U.S. citizens traveling in their vehicles in border areas including Nuevo Laredo, Matamoros, and Tijuana.Â* Travelers on the highways between Monterrey and other parts of Mexico to the United States (notably through Nuevo Laredo and Matamoros) have been targeted for robbery and violence and have also inadvertently been caught in incidents of gunfire between criminals and Mexican law enforcement.Â* Such incidents are more likely to occur at night but may occur at any time.

The situation in the state of Chihuahua, specifically Ciudad Juarez, is of special concern.Â*Â* The U.S. Consulate General recommends that American citizens defer non-essential travel to the Guadalupe Bravo area southeast of Ciudad Juarez and to the northwest quarter of the state ofÂ* Chihuahua including the city of Nuevo Casas Grandes and surrounding communities.Â* From the United States, these areas are often reached through the Columbus, NM, and Fabens and Fort Hancock, TX, ports of entry.Â* In both areas, American citizens have been victims of drug-related violence.

Mexican authorities report that more than 2,600 people were killed in Ciudad Juarez in 2009.Â* Additionally, this city of 1.3 million people experienced more than 16,000 car thefts and 1,900 carjackings in 2009.Â* U.S. citizens should pay close attention to their surroundings while traveling in Ciudad Juarez, avoid isolated locations during late night and early morning hours, and remain alert to news reports.Â* Visa and other service seekers visiting the Consulate are encouraged to make arrangements to pay for those services using a non-cash method.

U.S. citizens are urged to be alert to safety and security concerns when visiting the border region.Â* Criminals are armed with a wide array of sophisticated weapons.Â* In some cases, assailants have worn full or partial police or military uniforms and have used vehicles that resemble police vehicles.Â* While most crime victims are Mexican citizens, the uncertain security situation poses serious risks for U.S. citizens as well.Â* U.S. citizen victims of crime in Mexico are urged to contact the consular section of the nearest U.S. consulate or Embassy for advice and assistance. Contact information is provided at the end of this message.

Crime and Violence Throughout Mexico

U.S. citizens traveling throughout Mexico should exercise caution in unfamiliar areas and be aware of their surroundings at all times.Â* Bystanders have been injured or killed in violent attacks in cities across the country, demonstrating the heightened risk of violence in public places. In recent years, dozens of U.S. citizens living in Mexico have been kidnapped and most of their cases remain unsolved.Â* U.S. citizens who believe they are being targeted for kidnapping or other crimes should notify Mexican law enforcement officials and the U.S. Embassy in Mexico City or the nearest U.S. consulate as soon as possible.Â* Any U.S. visitor who suspects they are a target should consider returning to the United States immediately.Â* U.S. citizens should be aware that many cases of violent crime are never resolved by Mexican law enforcement, and the U.S. government has no authority to investigate crimes committed in Mexico.

U.S. citizens should make every attempt to travel on main roads during daylight hours, particularly the toll ("cuota") roads, which generally are more secure.Â* When warranted, the U.S. Embassy and consulates advise their employees as well as private U.S. citizens to avoid certain areas, abstain from driving on certain roads because of dangerous conditions or criminal activity, or recommend driving during daylight hours only.Â* When this happens, the Embassy or the affected consulate will alert the local U.S. citizen Warden network and post the information on their respective websites, indicating the nature of the concern and the expected time period for which the restriction will remain in place.Â*

U.S. citizen visitors are encouraged to stay in the well-known tourist areas.Â* Travelers should leave their itinerary with a friend or family member not traveling with them, avoid traveling alone, and check with their cellular phone service providers prior to departure to confirm that their cell phone is capable of roaming on GSM or 3G international networks.Â* Do not display expensive-looking jewelry, large amounts of money, or other valuable items.Â* Travelers to remote or isolated hunting or fishing venues should be aware of their distance from appropriate medical, law enforcement, and consular services in an emergency situation.Â*

Demonstrations and Large Public Gatherings

Demonstrations occur frequently throughout Mexico and usually are peaceful.Â* However, even demonstrations intended to be peaceful can turn confrontational and escalate to violence unexpectedly.Â* Violent demonstrations have resulted in deaths, including that of an American citizen in Oaxaca in 2006.Â* In 2008, a Mexican Independence Day celebration was the target of a violent attack.Â* During demonstrations or law enforcement operations, U.S. citizens are advised to remain in their homes or hotels, avoid large crowds, and avoid the downtown and surrounding areas.Â* Since the timing and routes of scheduled marches and demonstrations are always subject to change, U.S. citizens should monitor local media sources for new developments and exercise extreme caution while within the vicinity of protests.Â*

The Mexican Constitution prohibits political activities by foreigners, and such actions may result in detention and/or deportation.Â* U.S. citizens are therefore advised to avoid participating in demonstrations or other activities that might be deemed political by Mexican authorities.Â* As is always the case in any large gathering, U.S. citizens should remain alert to their surroundings.

Further Information

For more detailed information on staying safe in Mexico, please see the Mexico Country Specific Information.Â* Information on security and travel to popular tourist destinations is also provided in the publication: "Spring Break in Mexico- Know Before You Go!!"

For the latest security information, U.S. citizens traveling abroad should regularly monitor the Department's internet web site at http://travel.state.gov/ where the current Worldwide Caution, Travel Warnings, and Travel Alerts can be found. Up-to-date information on security can also be obtained by calling 1-888-407-4747 toll free in the United States and Canada, or, for callers from Mexico, a regular toll line at 001-202-501-4444.Â* These numbers are available from 8:00 a.m. to 8:00 p.m. Eastern Time, Monday through Friday (except U.S. federal holidays).Â* American citizens traveling or residing overseas are encouraged to register with the appropriate U.S. Embassy or Consulate on the State Department's travel registration website at https://travelregistration.state.gov/.

For any emergencies involving U.S. citizens in Mexico, please contact the U.S. Embassy or the closest U.S. Consulate.Â* The numbers provided below for the Embassy and Consulates are available around the clock.Â* The U.S. Embassy is located in Mexico City at Paseo de la Reforma 305, Colonia Cuauhtemoc, telephone from the United States: 011-52-55-5080-2000; telephone within Mexico City: 5080-2000; telephone long distance within Mexico 01-55-5080-2000.Â* You may also contact the Embassy by e-mail at: ACSMexicoCity@state.gov The Embassy's internet address is http://www.usembassy-mexico.gov/.

Consulates:

Ciudad Juarez: Paseo de la Victoria 3650, tel. (011)(52)(656) 227-3000. http://ciudadjuarez.usconsulate.gov/.

Guadalajara: Progreso 175, telephone (011)(52)(333) 268-2100. http://guadalajara.usconsulate.gov/.

Hermosillo: Avenida Monterrey 141, telephone (011)(52)(662) 289-3500. http://hermosillo.usconsulate.gov/.

Matamoros: Avenida Primera 2002, telephone (011)(52)(86 812-4402. http://matamoros.usconsulate.gov/.

Merida: Calle 60 no. 338-K x 29 y 31, Col. Alcala Martin, Merida, Yucatan, Mexico 97050, telephone (011)(52)(999) 942-5700 or 202-250-3711 (U.S. number). http://merida.usconsulate.gov/.

Monterrey: Avenida Constitucion 411 Poniente, telephone (011)(52)(81 047-3100. http://monterrey.usconsulate.gov/.

Nogales: Calle San Jose, Nogales, Sonora, telephone (011)(52)(631) 311-8150. http://nogales.usconsulate.gov/.

Nuevo Laredo: Calle Allende 3330, col. Jardin, telephone (011)(52)(867) 714-0512. http://nuevolaredo.usconsulate.gov/.

Tijuana: Tapachula 96, telephone (011)(52)(664) 622-7400. http://tijuana.usconsulate.gov/service.html.

Consular Agencies:

Acapulco: Â*Hotel Continental Emporio, Costera Miguel Aleman 121 - local 14, telephone (011)(52)(744) 484-0300 or (011)(52)(744) 469-0556.

Cabo San Lucas: Â*Blvd. Marina local c-4, Plaza Nautica, col. Centro, telephone (011)(52)(624) 143-3566.

Cancún:Â* Plaza Caracol two, second level, no. 320-323, Boulevard Kukulcan, km. 8.5, Zona Hotelera, telephone (011)(52)(99 883-0272 or,Â* 202-640-2511 (a U.S. number).

Ciudad Acuña:Â* Closed until further notice.

Cozumel:Â* Plaza Villa Mar en el Centro, Plaza Principal, (Parque Juárez between Melgar and 5th ave.) 2nd floor, locales #8 and 9, telephone (011)(52)(987) 872-4574 or,Â* 202-459-4661 (a U.S. number).

Ixtapa/Zihuatanejo:Â* Hotel Fontan, Blvd. Ixtapa, telephone (011)(52)(755) 553-2100.

Mazatlán:Â* Playa Gaviotas #202, Zona Dorada, telephone (011)(52)(669) 916-5889.

Oaxaca:Â* Macedonio Alcalá no. 407, interior 20, telephone (011)(52)(951) 514-3054, (011) (52)(951) 516-2853.

Piedras Negras: Â*Abasolo #211, Zona Centro, Piedras Negras, Coah., Tel. (011)(52)(87 782-5586.

Playa del Carmen:Â* "The Palapa,"Â*Calle 1 Sur, between Avenida 15 and Avenida 20, telephone (011)(52)(984) 873-0303 or 202-370-6708(a U.S. number).

Puerto Vallarta:Â* Paradise Plaza, Paseo de los Cocoteros #1, Local #4, Interior #17, Nuevo Vallarta, Nayarit, telephone (011)(52)(322) 222-0069.

Reynosa:Â* Calle Monterrey #390, Esq. Sinaloa, Colonia RodrÃ*:Â*guez, telephone: (011)(52)(899) 923 - 9331.

San Luis PotosÃ*:Â* Edificio "Las Terrazas", Avenida Venustiano Carranza 2076-41, Col. Polanco, telephone: (011)(52)(444) 811-7802/7803.

San Miguel de Allende:Â* Dr. Hernandez Macias #72, telephone (011)(52)(415) 152-2357 or (011)(52)(415) 152-0068.

Monday, August 10, 2009
Bust of Corrupt US Border Police On Rise
AP IMPACT: Busts of corrupt US border police rise
By MARTHA MENDOZA and CHRISTOPHER SHERMAN (AP) - August 10, 2009

McALLEN, Texas — Corruption along the U.S.-Mexican border takes many forms. It can start as simply as a smuggler's $50 gift to the child of a reluctant federal agent, quickly escalating to out-and-out bribes. "Everyone does it," the agent, now in prison, recalls telling himself. Other times, county sheriffs greedily grab thousands from drug dealers. In a few instances, traffickers even place members in the applicant pool for sensitive border protection jobs.Â*An Associated Press investigation has found U.S. law officers who work the border are being charged with criminal corruption in numbers not seen before, as drug and immigrant smugglers use money and sometimes sex to buy protection, and internal investigators crack down.Â*Based on Freedom of Information Act requests, interviews with sentenced agents and a review of court records, the AP tallied corruption-related convictions against more than 80 enforcement officials at all levels — federal, state and local — since 2007, shortly after Mexican President Felipe Calderon declared war on the cartels that peddle up to $39 billion worth of drugs in the United States each year.Â*U.S. officials have long pointed to Mexico's rampantly corrupt cops and broken judicial system, but Calderon told the AP this isn't just a Mexican problem.Â*"To get drugs into the United States the one you need to corrupt is the American authority, the American customs, the American police — not the Mexican. And that's a subject, by the way, which hasn't been addressed with sincerity," the Mexican president said. "I'm waging my battle against corruption among Mexican authorities and we're risking everything to clean our house, but I think there also needs to be a good cleaning on the other side of the border."Â*In fact, U.S. prosecutors have been taking notice. Drug traffickers look "for weaknesses in the armor," said former prosecutor Yolanda de Leon in Cameron County, Texas.Â*One such weakness was her own county's Sheriff Conrado Cantu. With his thick mustache, ample belly and Western hat, Cantu was a backslapping natural in the political machine of Cameron County, population 335,000. The county includes Brownsville, Texas, directly across the Rio Grande from Matamoros, Mexico.Â*In no time, Cantu rose from constable to sheriff, a job he later acknowledged he was unqualified to hold. In 2005, he pleaded guilty to federal charges of running a criminal enterprise involved in extortion, drug trafficking and bribery. He's now serving a 24-year sentence for extorting money from drug traffickers and illegal gambling operations.Â*"If the opportunity came along he would take it," said de Leon.Â*Not all corruption charges that turned up in AP's checks were related to drug trafficking. The researched cases involve agents helping smuggle immigrants, drugs or other contraband, taking wads of money or sexual favors in exchange — or simply allowing entry to someone whose paperwork isn't up to snuff, all part of the daily border traffic that has politicians demanding that the U.S.-Mexico border be secured.Â*Court records show corrupt officials along the 2,100-mile U.S.-Mexico border have included local police and elected sheriffs, and officers with such U.S. Department of Homeland Security agencies as Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection, which includes Border Patrol. Some have even been National Guardsmen temporarily called in to help while the Border Patrol expanded its ranks.Â*As Calderon sent thousands of soldiers to northern Mexico to stop the gruesome cartel violence and clean out corrupt police departments, CBP, the largest U.S. law enforcement agency, boosted its border forces by 44 percent or 6,907 additional officers and agents on the southwest border.Â*At the same time, CBP saw the number of its officers charged with corruption-related crimes nearly triple, from eight cases in fiscal 2007 to 21 the following year — and began to crack down.

"Day in, day out, someone in our agency is approached and says no, but we operate in this high-threat environment," said James Tomsheck, assistant commissioner for internal affairs at CBP. "The reality of it is we are deeply concerned."Â*In the past 10 months, 20 agents from CBP alone have been charged with a corruption-related crime. At that pace, the organization will set a new record for in-house corruption; 90 employees have been charged with corrupt acts since October 2004. Agency officials expect those cases to continue to climb: There are 63 open criminal investigations — including corruption cases — against CBP employees.Â*At least as unsettling were the prospective agents who never got to commit their crimes: Four applicants for jobs in federal border law enforcement were not hired when polygraph tests and background checks confirmed they were infiltrators from drug trafficking operations, authorities said.Â*Such in-depth checks are conducted on only about 10 percent of applicants for border agent jobs, though such scrutiny will eventually be made standard for all applicants, according to Tomsheck. Meantime, officials are left to wonder: Are other gangsters working undercover for agencies charged with protecting the U.S. border?Â*CBP had more than 2,000 in-house discipline cases during the past three years, according to records obtained by the AP under the Freedom of Information Act. Most were minor, but about 100 reflected more serious, corruption-related incidents, many of which were later prosecuted.Â*The jump in corruption cases comes as CBP has increased its team of internal investigators from five three years ago to 220 today.Â*CBP's own investigation of corruption cases showed little correlation between minor disciplinary problems and the more serious instances of bribery and malfeasance. Â*"Virtually none of the employees arrested for corruption are employees that have serious misconduct issues," Tomsheck said. "Actively corrupt employees do everything they can to stay below the radar screen."Â*It can be heartbreaking to see agents switch sides for small amounts of money, said U.S. Attorney Tim Johnson, whose turf covers a long stretch of border from the Gulf of Mexico to Laredo, Texas. But, Johnson and other federal prosecutors say, "these cases will always have a priority" and must be prosecuted "to the fullest extent," to emphasize that corruption will not be tolerated.Â*"You can't allow people who work within the law enforcement community to compromise our mission. We would just lose control of everything down there," he said.Â*It's a lesson Mexico learned the hard way, ignoring for years corrupt police until Calderon began to replace them with military personnel.Â*In Texas, which has more than half the U.S. border with Mexico, the commission that oversees state and local law enforcement officers reported that criminal misconduct cases were opened against 515 officers in fiscal 2007 and 550 officers in fiscal 2008. Some form of disciplinary action was lodged against 324 and 331 peace officer licenses, respectively, in those years.Â*"The cartels increasingly recruit law enforcement officers on both sides of the border," Steve McCraw, then Texas's homeland security chief, told state lawmakers earlier this year. "It's not just a Mexico problem because of the amount of money involved. And as we've increased presence between the ports (of entry), there's an increased desire to recruit law enforcement personnel to move across the bridge or use them between the ports."

In-house CBP data shows corrupt agents fall into two categories — recent hires who are charged very quickly, indicating they took the jobs intending to break the law, and veteran agents who have worked for the agency for a decade or more before succumbing to the offers.Â*"From the Mexican cartels' point of view, it is cheaper to pay an official several thousand dollars to allow a load of narcotics to pass by than it is to risk having the shipment seized," Scott Stewart and Fred Burton, vice presidents of global intelligence firm Stratfor, wrote in a recent report. "Such bribes are simply part of the cost of doing business — and in the big picture, even a low-level agent can be an incredible bargain."Â*One such officer, a CBP agent convicted of taking money to smuggle illegal immigrants, was over his head with credit card debt, behind on child-support payments, about to lose his truck. His 10-year-old, whom he had taken to the mall for the day, wanted a football he couldn't afford.Â*That's when a friendly, familiar Mexican man pulled a $50 bill from a thick wallet and handed it to the agent's son, who snatched the money and dashed off to the Dallas Cowboys Pro Shop.Â*The father related the story in the visiting room of a federal prison in California where he is serving a four-year term.Â*"I was like, 'Wait son, hang on!' but he was gone, so happy with that money," said the former agent, whom prison officials allowed the AP to interview on condition of anonymity because convicted law enforcement officers are considered potential targets.Â*That was how it began, the ex-agent continued. A few weeks later, the Mexican man suggested that the officer let a man through his pedestrian checkpoint early one morning without asking questions. He'd get $5,000 for his trouble.Â*"I thought, 'Naaah, I can't do that.' Then I thought, 'Hell, my life's a mess. Everyone does it. If I'm caught I'll just say the guy got past me. I'll do it once. I could use the money,'" he recalled.Â*The cash came in handy. He bought clothes for his kids, jerseys for a youth team he coached; he made his truck payment, caught up on credit card bills.Â*The next time was easier, if less lucrative: $1,500 a person.Nervously smoothing his prison-green scrubs, he said, "I really planned to stop." But then another offer came, even while colleagues warned him the FBI was snooping around. And then a woman he had illegally passed through named him when she was caught by an honest agent.Â*He was convicted for passing one person through. He paid $5,000 in fines in addition to the prison term.

"You want to know how many times I did this?" he asked. "Sixty-six. I kept a tally."Â*The men and women who were caught described their jobs as prestigious and well paid for the small border towns where they grew up. An entry-level CBP officer earns $37,000 a year in Laredo, and within a year is likely paid $41,000, well above the local average annual income of $25,000.Â*In border communities, the demarcation between countries is insignificant. People live on one side, work on the other; have a favorite barber on one side, but buy groceries on the other. The traffic is heavy, and constant.Â*Some of the border authorities were born in Mexico or are related to Mexican nationals. So do you let a colleague's Mexican aunt cross the border without a visa for a family birthday party? Or wave through a loaded truck that belongs to your bosses' brother-in-law without looking inside? Some agents said yes.Â*And so did some state and local officers. The deputy commander of a narcotics task force was caught in a sting operation protecting what he believed were loads of drugs moving through Zapata County; others have shaken down drug traffickers moving product through their turf.Â*In October, FBI agents arrested Starr County Sheriff Reymundo Guerra at his office as part of a sweep dubbed "Operation Carlito's Weigh." Guerra, the chief law enforcement officer for the border county of 62,000 people, had spent a decade as sheriff.Â*There was little public pressure for his ouster after his arrest and since he was running unopposed, Guerra was re-elected weeks later. County Judge Eloy Vera said the day of his arrest that Guerra, a mustachioed bear of man, was a "very good sheriff." He resigned only as a condition of his release pending trial.Â*In May, Guerra pleaded guilty to a drug trafficking charge for accepting thousands of dollars in exchange for passing information to a former Mexican law enforcement contact who he knew was working for Mexico's Gulf Cartel. Guerra once even gave false documents to one of his own deputies to close a drug trafficking investigation, prosecutors said.Â*Guerra could face up to life in prison when he is sentenced later this month.Â*

Martha Mendoza reported from San Jose, Calif.

About our Office

Mission Statement:

As the County's top law enforcement official, Mr. Villalobos holds true to the office Mission Statement and expects his staff to pursue it as well:

To uphold the laws of the State of Texas, to represent the citizens of this County, to assist the victims of crime to the best of their ability, to hold those responsible for committing crimes, to seek incarceration for those individuals who are corrupt by crime and evil making them a danger to society and to see that Justice is done.

Overview:

The District Attorney's Office has made it their goal to provide the public with the highest form of legal representation toÂ*ensure that justice is served in Cameron County.Â*As one of the largest law firms in the Rio Grande Valley, the district attorney's office is comprised of over 100 employees, which includes attorneys, support staff, and investigators.

Did I happen to mention the current mayor of South Padre Island is from a very wealthy family who made their money by building Spanish language radio stations across Texas through to Matamoros HOME OF THE GULF COAST CARTEL--gee, who do you think paid for political ad campaigns every election in this Spanish language sphere of influence?

Do you think cartels ever financed a Valley politicians campaign?

I am not pointing any fingers--or 100 pound bricks of marijuana--at any one politician from the border county of Cameron.

Comments Recommend
PLAGUED BY CORRUPTION
Sheriff's crimes leave lasting image of graft
Cameron County is trying to rebound after charismatic lawman's nightmarish reign
By JAMES PINKERTON Copyright 2005 Houston Chronicle
Nov. 20, 2005, 3:43AM
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BROWNSVILLE - Not long after his election, Cameron County Sheriff Conrado Cantu made a startling request: He asked the county to hire a consultant to tell him how to manage the department.
"I guess he wants a cookbook — 'How to Run a Sheriff's Office,' " County Auditor Mark Yates said at the time, joining other officials who turned down Cantu's request.
But some county officials now may think that cookbook could have come in handy after the sheriff's four-year tenure turned out worse than his harshest critics could have imagined.
In June, Cantu was charged with heading a crime ring that allegedly was mixed up in drug trafficking, extortion and other misdeeds. He's in a Raymondville jail, getting closer to God, his lawyer said, while awaiting a December sentencing. And Cameron County officials are struggling with the fallout.
"As far as what it cost the county, it's something money cannot replace," said former county Commissioner Carlos Cascos. ''It's more than a black eye; our faces got bashed in. We'll be looked at for a long time as a county of ineptitude and a haven of corruption."
Other sheriffs jailed
To be sure, the Cantu case drew renewed — and unwanted — statewide attention to South Texas, where three other sheriffs have been jailed on federal corruption charges since 1994.
The saga began when Cantu ran for sheriff in 2000, winning over the county's voters with his colorful personality and upbeat attitude. He ended his speeches with the word animo, meaning spirit or enthusiasm, and even had it printed on his business cards.
''There were a lot of people mesmerized by this young guy," said David Garza, a county commissioner and frequent Cantu critic. ''He's a very charismatic individual."
Voters liked Cantu well enough to choose him over incumbent Sheriff Omar Lucio in the Democratic primary in March 2000, and he was elected sheriff in November 2000.
But early on, there were signs that Cantu, a burly ex-plumber and high school dropout with almost no law enforcement experience, might not be up to the task of running the $20 million-per-year, 351-employee operation.
Soon after he assumed command in December 2001, his agency experienced a string of embarrassing episodes, including jail breaks, some orchestrated by guards; the theft of inmate property; drug sales by correctional officers; and reports of sexual relations between jailers and female inmates.
Cantu's top jail administrator was arrested and later accused of grooming a jailhouse ''harem."
Even more disquieting was this summer's indictment accusing Cantu of running a criminal enterprise that allegedly extorted bribes from drug traffickers, protected an illegal gambling operation and obstructed state and local law enforcement efforts.
County Judge Gilberto Hinojosa, a former Cantu supporter, said he was "shocked and angry" that the sheriff "violated the trust of not just the citizens of Cameron County but his friends, his supporters and his family."
"He portrayed himself as a nice guy. No one expected him to get into bed with drug dealers."
Pleading guilty
In July, Cantu pleaded guilty to heading a criminal enterprise and committing a single count of racketeering. Prosecutors are recommending life in prison, but his lawyer, Alberto Pullen, calls their presentencing report "totally exaggerated and without merit."
''They're making him sound like he's kind of a Don Corleone, when in fact he was just somebody who was paid to look the other way while he was sheriff of Cameron County," Pullen said.
Cantu's predicament shouldn't be surprising, given the challenges of working along the border, said Anthony Knopp, a history professor at the University of Texas at Brownsville.
Violent drug gangs are forever trying to corrupt the poorly paid law enforcement officers who work there, said Knopp, who has coauthored three books about the border.
Cantu began drawing attention even before he was sheriff.
Then-District Attorney Yolanda de Leon investigated allegations that Cantu, a former constable, had fixed numerous hot-check cases for friends. The inquiry was turned over to the El Paso District Attorney's Office, but no charges were filed.
That investigation was the first of many into Cantu's activities.
''It's not a pretty picture at all, and this just didn't happen at just the end," de Leon said. ''The conduct that is in the federal indictment went back at least two to three years, and the special treatment because of personal friendships went back almost to the beginning."
In July 2003, a county grand jury investigating the theft of $16,000 taken from jail inmates' accounts issued a blistering report on Cantu's jail administration. It found the sheriff had ''allowed an environment of permissiveness to develop without oversight on his part" and said untrained jailers with disciplinary problems were promoted to supervisory posts.
Proving himself
Despite these ominous signs, Cantu served out his term.
"The people were easily fooled by affability, and they confused or mistook that for natural ability," de Leon said.
Even in the months before his arrest, the unflappable sheriff was busy trying to convince people he was cut out for law enforcement. He hoped to work as a constable after his sheriff's term ended in December and was awaiting county commissioners' approval when he was arrested in June.
''The sequence of events (is) unbelievable," said Commissioner Garza, who protested Cantu's request.
Back at the sheriff's department, the man Cantu defeated in 2000 is back in charge. Lucio was elected in November 2004 and began his term in January.
Since taking office, he has fired 75 of Cantu's jail guards because they had criminal records, or they didn't take — or couldn't pass — state-mandated exams for corrections officers, he said.
Lucio also has been trying to get the sheriff's department's finances back in order.
County loses money
The jail controversies prompted the U.S. Marshals Service to move hundreds of federal prisoners from Cameron County jails. That deprived the county of $1.5 million in revenue from federal per-diem jail payments. And lawsuits filed by some former Cantu employees, allegedly fired for alerting authorities to sexual misconduct in the jails, forced the county to pay out more than $200,000 in settlements and to spend $200,000 in lawyer fees, county officials say.
Despite these distractions, Lucio said he's rebuilding the sheriff's office. One sign of normality, he said, is that 400 federal inmates are again housed in county jails — and that number could rise to 500 by the year's end.
Cantu, meanwhile, is preparing for his sentencing hearing and is optimistic about his future, his lawyer said, despite the possibility he'll spend the rest of his life behind bars.
''He's in high spirits, he's found religion, he's closer to God," Pullen said. ''He's got faith everything is going to work out."
james.pinkerton@chron.com